Belgrade, Serbia

203 Responses to “Srebrenica Resolution: What’s Serbian for ‘genocide’?”

1. Rince says:

   May 4, 2010 at 10:27 am

   Vinka Bozic, wife of Petar, daughter of Mladjen, born in 1937 in Opravdici, commune of Bratunac, permanent residence in Magasici, hamlet of Gornji Magasici, temporarily residing in Bratunac at Kubatovac street, house unnumbered, Serb by nationality, housewife, has given the following

   S T A T E M E N T

   On July 20, 1992, I was in my house. Around 11:45 a.m. strong fire began from all sides but I did not realize at once that the Ustashi had attacked our village, I went out of the house and [woman] Krstina told me that the Ustashi had attacked the village. I ran and first hid in Boja’s pigsty and later when I heard the Ustashi making a racket I jumped out of the sty and into some bushes and nettles nearby from where I could hear and see everything well. I heard Hajro Osmanovic, son of Ibrahim, swearing at his men and saying: “Hurry up, if they get help, we’ll all get killed”. I saw him clearly, he was in mufti [religious robe] and he was carrying a rifle, I do not know of which make. A group of Ustashi led by Saban Osmanovic, son of Junuz, from our village, hamlet of Mocilo, was coming from the direction of Deronjici. With him were NedZad Osmanovic, son of Munib, from our village, hamlet of Sumanici, and his brother nicknamed Cvrko and the sons of Hakija Osmanovic, one nicknamed Tuzlo and the other Cico. Saban ordered them to go to my hamlet of Bozici and to take from the houses everything they could and then burn everything; so they went to the village, took out everything they could from the houses and then set fire to the houses, silos and all auxiliary buildings. When they finished, I heard Saban cursing them for having set fire to the silos without having taken the grain out. Among the Ustashi I also saw Meho Osmanovic, son of Junuz, from the hamlet of Mocilo, Senahid Avdic, son of Idriz, from Glogova. They assembled near their graveyard, there were a lot of them. I heard and recognized Saban’s voice saying that they were going to Avdagina Njiva to kill everyone and burn everything, but when they set out from the direction of the forest called “Klancic”, fire was heard and Saban said: “Here come men from Kajici and Kravica, retreat quickly.”, after which they started retreating towards Krcevina and further on towards Bljeceva.

   Bratunac, October 24, 1992

   [Witness’] Right index finger print
2. Rince says:

   May 4, 2010 at 10:28 am

   Radomir Ilic, called Rado, son of Tomo, born on April 24, 1938 in Magasici, commune of Bratunac, farmer, permanent residence in his place of birth, has given the following

   S T A T E M E N T

   “For years we lived in harmony and got along well with our Moslem neighbours from the hamlet of Mocilo. When war broke out in this area for a time we lived together but relations were impaired for every people kept guard around its villages. In the month of May I do not know the exact date now, all the Moslems from the hamlet of Mocilo left their houses, said good-bye to us, all were crying and went towards Bljeceva and Cizmici. Their departure had nothing to do with us, they left their homes of their own accord, without any problems or apparent reason. Until July 20, 1992, no larqer military units attacked our village, but there were daily provocations from the direction of Cizmici from where they opened rifle and machine gun fire on positions held by our villagers’. On July 20, 1992, we were at home or working in the fields. Around 12 noon, suddenly and from all sides strong forces attacked our village opening fire from evey conceivable weapon on everything moving. We started running trying to escape towards Avdagina Njiva. My son Marjan took my wife Smilja, Milenija Ilic, Zora Ilic Ljubinka Ilic, wife of Ljubisav and Ljiljana Ilic towards Avdagina Njiva by road and I ran to a creek and hid in the bushes.

   I had no weapons on me. From that creek some 20 meters in front of me I saw Meho Osmanovic, son of Junuz, until yesterday our neighbour, who was naked to the waist and had a machine gun called “Sarac” in his hands,he was shooting from it and moving towards the hamlet of Bozici. With me in the creek was also Milojka Bozic who also saw him. Meho was shooting and shouting: “Get them, get them!” At that moment I saw that the houses in the hamlets of Bozici and Deronjici had been set fire to. When our army came and pushed the Moslem forces back towards Cizmici, I learned that not far from Avdagina Njiva Moslem extremists had killed my son Marjan, my daughter-in-law Zora, [women] Ljilja and Ljubinka Ilic, the wife of our neighbour Ljubisav. I then also learned that in the hamlet of Popovici the throats had been slit of Blagoje and his wife Ljeposava Popovic in a cellar and that Ljubica Milanovic, wife of Vladimir, had also been killed. Vinka Bozic said that among the attackers on our village she had recognized our neighbour from Mocilo, Saban Osmanovic, son of Junuz, and Milka Bozic, wife of Drago, told us that she had seen Camil Hasanovic, son of Mehmed, from Glogova and his group kill Milenija, Marjan, Zorka, Ljubinka and Ljilja. My wife Smilja stayed alive by sheer luck because she could not keep up running with this group and remained in a creek.

   Bratunac, October 15,1992

   (signed) Ilic Radomir
3. Rince says:

   May 4, 2010 at 10:29 am

   Rosa Bozic, wife of Milovan, daughter of Stanoje Simic, born in 1949 in the village of Opravdici, commune of Bratunac, permanent residence at Magasici, hamlet of Gornji Magasici, commune of Bratunac, Serb by nationality, housewife, has given the following statement in connection with the attack on the village of Gornji Magasici:

   S T A T E M E N T

   On July 20, 1992 I and others were harvesting Radojica Jovanovic’s field. Around 11 a.m. strong [weapon] fire started on the hill called “Stolice” and I asked Radojica whether he thought that we were being attacked, and he said that he did not think so, as shooting was a common daily occurrence, so that we continued working. Radojica was honing a scythe and I was reaping. The shooting soon became stronger, coming from the hamlet of Deronjici and I turned around and saw a group of Ustashi coming from the direction of their graveyard, led by Saban Osmanovic, son of Junuz from the hamlet of Mocilo. One of the men in the group was leading Marko Deronjic’s cow. Saban kept telling them to hurry up and at one moment he said to Mehidin Smajilovic, son of Asim: “Why don’t you set fire to Luka’s stable”, so that Mehidin shouted : “you in the rear, set fire to Luka’s stable”. In that group I also saw Ahmo Ibrahimovic nicknamed “Hepa”, son of Ibrahim from Mocilo, Meho Osmanovic, son of Junuz who was naked to the waist and who was carrying a machine gun, Osmo Ibrahimovic, son of Omer who was carrying a semi-automatic rifle and one of the grandsons of Havko Ibrahimovic, I do not know if he was Ibro’s or Nazif’s son. They were in the company of another three men whom I did not see very well and whom I did not recognize. I was hiding in the wheat all the time and could see them well. I saw that they first set fire to Luka’s stable, then Boja’s house and all the houses in Bozici, Deronjici and Ilici. After having set fire to all that they started withdrawing over Prisoj to Mocilo and from there towards Stolice.

   Bratunac, November 7, 1992

   Right finger print
4. Rince says:

   May 4, 2010 at 10:30 am

   Milka Bozic, wife of Drago, daughter o f Milan Bogdanovic, born in 1946 in Jezestica, commune of Bratunac, permanent residence in Gornji Magasici, temporary residence in Bratunac, Dusana Jerkovica St., house unnumbered, Serb by nationality, housewife, has given the following

   S T A T E M E N T

   “” At the time of the attack on Magasici I was at home and when I heard that the Ustashi had attacked our village , burned Ilici and were attacking from the direction of Deronjici, I started running towards the road leading to Avdagina Njiva. On the road I met [woman] Smilja Ilic and her son Marjan who were also running towards Avdagina Njiva. Running in front of them were [woman] Milenija Ilic, [woman] Zora Ilic , [woman] Ljubinka Ilic, [woman] Ljiljana Ilic and [woman] Nevenka Popovic. Smilja started crying, saying: “Woe is me, Zlatko remained all alone in the village, they will kill him”, referring to her other son, and Marjan kept telling her to hurry up and run faster, so that he came ahead of all those women who were fleeing, probably with the intention of protecting them, because he was carrying a rifle. When we came near Milisav Popovic’s house, a man in jeans and a blue T shirt jumped on the road from behind an apple tree in the bushes. I did not recognize him. He immediately started shooting from a rifle and first hit Marjan, after which we all turned around and started running in the opposite direction, and the man stood in the road shooting at us, and shot [woman] Milenija, [woman] Zora, [woman] Ljiljana and [woman] Ljubinka in the back. Nevenka Popovic pulled me off the road into some nettles so that the two of us survived, and I later learned that Smilja had also survived, because she could not keep up with the others. I saw the man who shot at us well , but I did not recognize him, and as I was awfully scared I am net sure that I could recognize him now”.

   Bratunac, October 24, 1992

   (signed.) Milka Bozic
5. Rince says:

   May 4, 2010 at 3:53 pm

   Srebrenica – Survivor’s Story
   Life of 33 year old Milun Nikolic from Skelana, Bosnia, is marked with tragedy. He was barely 16 when he found himself imprisoned in infamous prison & concentration camp in Srebrenica.

   It started on July 5th 1992, when Bosnian Muslim Army killed his brother Nebojsa in Srebrenica. One month later, Milun went with his relative Zlatko Vasic to visit his brother’s grave, when Bosnian Muslim soldiers captured them and took into one of prisons in Srebrenica area, where they went through 30 days of beatings, whippings and torture.

   His parents died, crushed by loss of their son Nebojsa, and beliving that Milun’s faith would be the same.

   He was released from the Srebrenica prison after 30 days, to be exchanged for Bosnian Muslim soldiers captured by Bosnian Serbs.

   (Following is story of barely 16 year old Milun, in Bosnia, Srebrenica, 1992)

   Milun’s story

   “My father and mother died slowly in grief for my brother Nebojsa. They couldn’t bare his death, and ruthless desecration of his dead body by Muslim soldiers. My imprisonment in Muslim prison was the last drop. Their hearts failed, they died one by one in less than a year. I unfortunately survived. From all torture I went through, my internal organs are failing today, every now and then I end up on surgery, and I had already 5 of them.”

   Bloody lily (hyacinth)

   On August 5th 1992, Milun and his relative Zlatko went to visit Nebojsa’s grave. One part of the road lead through the forest where they were captured by 5 Muslim soldiers:
   “I knew them from before, they were older than me, we didn’t used to hang out, but just before the war started, they didn’t even try to hide their hatred toward Serbs. They tie us down with some ropes and with hits and kicks they forced us into a truck. Tree of them went to, as they said, look for some more “Chetniks” (Chetnik – name that Bosnian Muslims used for Serbs), while two left to make sure we don’t run away. At the evening, those three came back with empty hands. They took us to Srebrenica, through the place Miholjevine, where they had a stronghold. Along the road, we would pass through other Muslim soldiers, elderly and children, that threw rocks on us and yelled “Kill Chetniks!”. When we finally reached Miholjevine, they dragged us both out of the truck and start hitting us with gun handles, fists and boots. Then they took us into some house, where we spent few days being beaten and interrogated.”

   “When they captured us in the forest, they forced us to sing their songs about lily flowers (explanation: lily was used as Bosnian Muslim forces insignia). For every our “we don’t know”, we would get hit by rifle handles. We had to sing, and they would then kick us around in their madness and joy.

   Forced to drink their own urine

   “In the bottle that they gave us in prison cell we had to pee. When we asked our jailers where to spill urine, they told us to keep it when we get thirsty. We wouldn’t get any water for days, and then guards would force us to drink our own urine.”

   Hangman Daut Tihic

   “In the interrogation room awaited for me infamous hangman from Srebrenica, Daut Tihic. I had just enough time to see that complete floor, ceiling and walls are painted in fresh blood. I felt sick, and in next second got hit in the back with truncheon (billy). Unbearable pain went through me and I fell down the floor. While lying down, Tihic kept hitting and kicking me. I could hear his threats and screams in the distance. After about one hour, they threw me in the cell all bloody and blue. Pain was the only thing I could feel. I passed out.”
   The amount of hatred these Muslims had against Serbs, Milan found out on the third day of his imprisonment in Srebrenica prison; During one beating session, he was told by his tormentors how they killed his brother Nebojsa.
   “They said – Hear Milun, after we killed him, we first sliced off his ears, and then his head. And after all that we went to tell your mother what we did to him; we found her crying next to the bridge. She should know how her son ended, and you will too soon… Only then I understood that hatred they have against Serbs has no limits. I’ve gained consciousness in my cell. Awaited for the continuance of torture. It came with next time doors opened. And next time again, for as long as we were held in Mihovljevina” says Milun, while showing us scars on his body.

   The whip made from human flesh

   “First few days I was so severely beaten, I prayed for quick death, prayed they will kill me quickly. But death never came, and I regret that to this day. How did I survived all that, I don’t know.” says Milun, adding that seven days later they were transferred into Srebrenica prison, where they realized it can be even worse than it was before.

   “Cell was empty, no bed or blankets, just concrete floor, ceiling and walls. In the corner there was one plastic bottle, they told us it is our toilette. We slept on the floor. Walls and ceiling were reddish from dry blood. In interrogation room, to which they took me immediately upon arrival to Srebrenica, I saw curved, three centimeters thick, copper wire. All in blood, with pieces of human flash hanging on it. I knew what awaits me and I was scared to death.”

   “Zlatko and I survived all this torture and pain, saved by destiny’s hand, when we were exchanged for captured Bosnian Muslim soldiers. I didn’t have strength to tell anyone about what we went through, for a long time. When I saw that Srebrenica is a term marking only Muslim victims, that nobody talks about Serbian victims from Srebrenica, and after I talked to Stefan Karganovic, president of Srebrenica History Society, I went into public press.

   I am willing to tell to anyone my story, anyone that is willing to listen that Srebrenica has two faces. Big and powerful decided that, when it comes to Srebrenica, it is allowed to talk only about Muslim victims. If the world’s interest is to hear the truth, let the world know about Srebrenica victims that were Serbs and others, non-Muslims. Or is that a forbidden subject? If the truth will remain to be ignored, then it is normal to expect that proven mass-slaughterers such as Naser Oric (Bosnian Muslim commander in Srebrenica) will be innocent for Hague tribunal, while all Serbs are convicted as guilty. Is that the truth that world wants to see?” asks Milun, who says he will never return back to Bosnia, to his town Skelene, to live again among his Muslim neighbors.

   http://www.ireport.com/docs/DOC-263631
6. Mike says:

   May 9, 2010 at 10:42 pm

   Naivna je i prozirna srpska politika kojom zele izjedbaciti sve zrtve kojih je usitinu i nazalost bilo na svim stranama u ratu i agresiji na drzavu RBiH
   Istina je da su strasne i pojedinacne sudbine stradalih Srba za ciju tragediju su prvenstveno odgovorni Srpski Vozdovi i tvorci bolesne genocidne politike zaslijepljeni velikosrpskom idejom o stvaranju Velike Srbije ne birajuci sredstva
   Srpski narod u drzavi RBiH ne moze traziti istodobno satisfakciju za stradale srbe i podrzavajuci genocidnu srpsku tvorevinu rs nastalu na dokazanom genocidu i etnickom ciscenju cjele Bos Posavine od Muslimana i Hrvata jer su i sve srpske zrtve posljedica te genocidne fasisticke politike
   Srbi prvenstveno Bos Srbi odgovornost za stradanje i svaku pojedinacnu tragediju trebaju traziti na pravoj adresi a to je Politicki i vojni vrh velikosrpske zlocinacke organizacije koja ih je gurnula u krvavi pohod protiv dojucerasnjih dobrih i mirnih komsija samo sto nisu Srbi A radi ostvarivanja svojih politickih ciljeva o cistoj homogenoj velikosrpskoj drzavi u kojoj bi svi srbi zivjeli zajedno
   Zato nece proci ni svi ovakvi pokusaji cetnickog vojvode Save Strbca da sumnjivom prezentacijom montiranih i nepravomocnih izjava svjedoka stvori drugaciju sliku i izokrene pravu istinu o uzroku cinjenicama i poslijedicama pokusaja realizacije Velikosrpskog zlocinackog plana unistenja i progona sveg nesrpskog u cilju stvaranja Velike Srbije
   Koji je potpuno razotkriven u zlocinackim Garasaninovim Nacrtanijima
   Dovoljno je pogledati ovaj video da bi vam sve bilo jasno zasto srpski stradalnici traze pravdu na pogresnoj adresi

   Istina O Cetnickom Pokretu

   Samo skorim nestankom genocidne srpske tvorevine u drzavi RBiH i brisanjem njenog DISKRIMINIRAJUCEG i rasistickog nacistickog naziva Srbima ce biti stvoreni uslovi da shvate istinu i zabludu te krvavu avanturu u koju su ih poveli Milosevic Karadzic Mladic Plavsicka Koljevic Krajisnik Ostojic Dobrica Cosic i hiljade ostalih nacista velikosrba pod pokroviteljstvom Srbijanskog politickog i vojnog vrha uz svesrdan blagoslov SPC i SCP koji su bili jezgro zlocinackog projekta i uzrok i posljedica bolesne srpske ideologije te pocinjeni potvrdzeni i dokazani GENOCIDI nad Muslimanima i Hrvatima kao i ostalim nesrbima na podrucju bivse ‘’YUdiktatorske drzave Srpske
   Zato pozivam sve normalne i demokratske snage u Srpskom narodu prvenstveno u RBiH da ce najvece satifakcije za svoje stradale dobiti potpunim i temeljitim razotkrivanjem sve i jednog komsije brata i prijatelja Srbina za kojeg zna da je ucestvujuci u krvavom genocidnom pohodu radi nacistickih ideja Karadzica Mladica Plavsicke Dodika Radmanovica Kuzmanovica i ostalih okrvavio ruke
   Samo tako osudzujuci dokazanu bolesnu veliko srpsku ideologiju i posljedice te bolesne politike kao i samo postignuce genocidom i etnickim ciscenjem dio Srpskog naroda moze skinuti sa sebe veliko breme odgovornosti koji je pocinio onaj dio srpskog naroda koji je bio zaslijepljen i omadzian bolesnom srpskom ideologijom
   U srpskom narodu se mora dogoditi KATARZA kao u Njemackom i potpuni poraz Garasaninovog Nacrtanija jasno priznanje srpskog GENOCIDA i nestanak postignuca istim genocidne rs i
   TIME OTVORITI NOVU STRANICU za prosperitet i zajednicke blagodati i suzivot sa ostalim ravnopravnim narodima
   Bez toga srpska povijest ce izgledati sve crnja a buducnost sve neizvjesnija jer ipak na kraju krajeva moderno i demokratsko covjecanstvo pa i sama EU ne smiju niti ce dozvoliti da se preko GENOCIDA i ETNICKOG ciscenja stvaraju nove homogene tvorevine kao buduci izvori zla
7. Mike says:

   May 9, 2010 at 10:52 pm

   Obavezno pogledajte kuda vas vodi srpska bolesna politika

   Srpska vojska – prava istina o četnicima
8. Mike says:

   May 9, 2010 at 11:13 pm

   A da li se itko od ovih srba sjeca ovog ZLOCINCA

   Bilo bi jako interesantno nijhovo suocavanje sa istinom
   Osobno cu uraditi sve da do toga dodze i da se sazna prava istina
   Zločinac Milan Trišić

   Milan Trišić, 1310 Santell Ln, Charlotte, NC 28214 tel. 704-398-7061

   Ime Milan Trišić vam na prvi pogled kad ga pročitate i neće puno značiti, međutim to svjedoči samo da veoma malo znamo o zločincima i koljačima iz, ne tako davnog rata, a koji se kreću među nama, dok nije mali broj ni bliskih prijateljstava sa krvolocima i zločincima.

   Milan Trišić, iako je i ranije o njemu pisano, i zna se za njegova zlodjela, nije kažnjen zbog toga, nego se šeta slobodno, ni manje, ni više, već u američkom gradu Charlotte u državi Sjeverna Karolina.
   Njegov sin, Slađan Trišić, se svojevremeno hvalio po Charlotte-u da mu je tatica bio aktivniji koljač za vrijeme rata, koji je ljudima motornom pilom sjekao glave.

   To su riječi tatinog sina, Slađana.

   Na slici iznad vidimo ovog zločinca, koji još nije zaboravio ratna vremena, a možda i čezne za tim vaktom kad je tamanio muslimane, jer kad vidimo stil nošnje, 15 godina od rata, vidi se patnja zločinca, žednog muslimanske krvi. Ne skida Milan maskirnu uniformu, jal zbog nostalgije za motorkom, jal zbog straha da mu ko od vlasti ovdje ne pokuca na vrata, pa da se onako spreman, odmetne u šumu.

   Samo do šume je teško doći, jer ima nas koji znamo šta si jeo večeras i koliko se puta trzneš u snu, što zbog straha od iznenadne posjete, što od sjećanja iz prošlosti.

   Treba aktuelizirati priču o ovom krvoloku i što prije ga skloniti sa ulica Charlotte-a i vascijelog dunjaluka.

   Evo nekoliko podataka o ovom zločincu i njegovim zločinima:

   Logor u skoli

   Jos u aprilu 1992. Godine Osnovna skola ”Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic” odredjena je, od strane Kriznog staba opcine Bratunac, kao mjesto za prijeki sud, muciliste i gubiliste Bosnjaka. Na samom pocetku, dakle, tokom aprila u ovaj logor se dovode samo ugledni i istaknuti Bosnjaci, aktivisti i clanovi SDA, te pripadnici Patriotske lige. Uhapseni su drzani u fiskulturnoj Sali dok im prijeki sud ne bi presudio, a onda bi likvidacije bile vrsene u svlacionicama. U Sali je i vrsen istrazni postupak koji je podrazumijevao svirepa mucenja i torture. U ovom periodu izjave od uhapseni uzimali su: Zlatko Celanovic, zaduzen da vodi sluzbu bezbjednosti, i njegove kolege Veljko Macesic, Savo Babic i dr. Kasnije, odnosno pocetkom maja kada cetnici krecu u potpuni obracun i etnicko ciscenje Bratunca i njegovih sela, ova skola postaje pravi logor, ali i bosnjacko stratiste u kome ce zivot ostaviti za samo nekoliko dana oko 400 ljudi.

   Naime, cetnici, kako oni domaci organizirani u ”srpskoj vojsci” i ” srpskoj policiji”, odnosno u vojsci i policiji tadasnje Karadziceve ”srpske republike BiH”, tako i dobrovoljci iz Srbije, te JNA, krenuli su 10. Maja u veliku ”hajku” na Bosnjake po Bratuncu i njegovim selima. U svim naseljima i svim selima hapseni su Bosnjaci i dovodjeni na fudbalski stadion u Bratunac. Pored hapsenja, kroz bratunacka prolazili su automobili i pozivali Bosnjake da se okupe na stadionu. Nemajuci drugog rjesenja i izlaza, bosnjaci su se sjatili na stadion. Tu su cetnici izvrsili pljacku, pokupili su novac i nakit od zarobljenih Bosnjaka i Bosnjakinja. Na samom stadionu bilo je maltretiranja, premlacivanja, ljudi su skoro cijeli dan drzani bez vode i hrane, bez mogucnosti odlaska u WC. Oko 17. Sati, tog 10. Maja, pocelo je izvodjenje ljudi sa stadiona, i tu je uz ponovnu pljacku vrseno razdvajanje muskaraca od zena i djece.

   Bila je to potresna scena koja je ipak davala nadu da ce zene i djeca prezivjeti. To se i dogodilo, zene i djeca su potrpani u autobuse u odvedeni prema Kladnju, odnosno prema slobodnoj terjitoriji, a muskarci, njih oko 800 odvedeni su u logor skolu koja se nalazi u blizini stadiona. Smjesteni su u fiskulturnu salu i to zbijeni na pola sale, a u drugoj polovini nalazili su se cetnici, mucitelji i ubice. Povucena je preko pola sale crvena linija koju zarobljenici nisu smjeli preci. U Sali su bili zatvoreni prozori tako da je bilo jako zagusljivo, a uz svu tu sabijenost i prakticno gazenje jednih preko drugih zatvorenika, doslo je do gusenja deveterice zarobljenika.

   Svirepa mucenja

   Egzekutori su odmah krenuli sa mucenjima i likvidacijama, a za svoje zlocinacke poslove vec su ranije bili pripremili ”pribor za mucenje”. Novinar i publicista, te saradnik naseg magazina Sejo Omeragic u knjizi ”Satanski sinovi” opisuje to orudje za mucenje:” Na stolu su se nalazile cudne sprave. Bile su to drvene palice koje su proizveli dva dana prije u fabrici stilskog namjestaja. Duge su oko 1,20m, na svakih 10cm sa zadebljanjima. Jedna celicna sipka precnika oko 3cm, sprave za davljenje.(…) Bilo je tu jos nekoliko vrsta nozeva i omci od zica sa drvenom polugom za stezanje. Najstrasnije je izgledao noz za guljenje lica, ostar poput zileta, kriv.(…) Mnogi iz ove sale upamtit ce obican kabl od pegle presavijen, a pri dnu svezan u debeli cvor.(…) Bile su tu i dvije, 80cm duge cijevi, suplje, nevjerovatno teske i tvrde.

   Mnogi od vozaca prepoznat ce poluge za hidraulicnu dizalicu.” Kakve su torture, mucenja i izivljavanja vrsili cetnici nad zatocenicima prije nego sto bi ih dokrajcili opisuje Nijaz Masic u knjizi ”Istina o Bratuncu”, gdje kao izvor koristi svjedocenja prezivjelih logorasa. Nakon sto su prozvali Mustafu ef. Mujkanovica zahtijevali su od njega da dig ne tri prsta i prekrsti se . Efendija je unapred znao sta mu se sprema i unutar sebe je dao besu da dok ga pamet i razum drze ne dozvoli kaljanje licnog obraza i omalovazavanje ljudske i nacionalne casti. Umjesto tri prsta hrabro je podigao ruku sa dva prsta, simbol pobjede pravdje i slobode. Svi prisutni zlikocvi u Sali odmah su jurnuli na efendiju i tukli ga do besvjesti, cime su stigli, pistoljima, sajlama, pendrecima, toljagama i drugim sredstvima. Kada su ga onesvjestili pokusali su ga natjerati da pije pivo. U tom trenutku efendija dolazi sebi i zatvara usne ne dozvoljavajuci da kapi alkohola u njegovo tijelo.

   Potom mu naredjuju da se skine do pojasa go i okrene ledjima prema njima. Tukli su ga celicnim sajlama tako da mu je koza pucala, a komadi tijela otpadali. Hrabri efendija je samo tiho, nekoliko puta poluglasno, povikao:” Uh majko”, a potom se srusio na pod. Kada je efendija dosao sebi, prenjeli su ga u jednu od svlacionica i zaklali.” Drugi primjer svirepe likvidacije Masic opisuje ovako: ” Vlasnika privatne pekare Fejzu Raskaj u Bratuncu su nakon mucenja odveli u jegovu pekaru i naredili mu da ispece 500 ….... sa ucrtanim krstovima na …..... Kada je taj posao obavio, naredili su Fejzi da legne na uzarenu etazu za pecenje ….... i tako ziv izgori u prah i pepeo. Dzemala Hodzica, vrsioca duznosti komandanta STO Bratunac, su nakon mucenja ziva bacili u kamio sa lesevima za deportiranje u neku od masovnih grobnica.

   Prilikom kretanja kamiona Dzemo je dosao sebi, ustao i gromoglasno povikao: ” Bjezite braco muslimani, sve ce vas pobiti! Zlikovci su ga potom ponovo vratili u salu i nastavili sa izivljavanjem. Od jednog udarc a cuskijom glava mu se razmrskala, a mozak prosuo po podu. Grupu mladica su natjerali da sa sebe svuku kosulje i njima obrisu mozak, a potom da te kosulje ponovo obuku na sebe. Drugu grupu ljudi su natjerali da po podu lizu prosutu krv i mozak.”

   Mucitelji i ubice

   Medju muciteljima i ubicama najvise su se isticali: Bane Topalovic, zatim Makedonac, potom Dragan Maric iz Milica, Novak Stjepanovic Krke, kapetan iz Vukovara, Milan Trisic Rocko i dr. Ubijene su trpali u kamione i vozili u masovne grobnice. Jedan broj ubijenih odvezen je na smetljiste”Kaolina”, gdje su smecem i otpadom od keramickih plocica zatrpavali ubijene. Veliki broj ubijenih zakopan je na livadama uz Drinu. Jedna broj nije zakopavan vec je bacan direktno u drinu sa mosta koji spaja Bratunac sa Srbijom, odnosno Ljubovijom, te na mjestu zvanom Ledina, gdje se Saska rijeka ulijeva u Drinu. U logoru u skoli za samo tri dana , od 10. Do 13. Maja 92. Godine, muceno je i ubijeno oko 400 ljudi. Preostali su, njih oko 400, odvezeni na Pale, a onda su 16. Maja razmijenjeni kod Visokog.

   Crkca- logor u Kravici

   Drugi manje poznat logor na prostoru bratunacke opcine bio je logor- crkva u Kravici. Tamo su cetnici doveli Bosnjake pohapsene po sumama nakon napada na selo Glogovu 9.maja i Sase, a za samo nekoliko dana u crkvi je bilo zatoceno preko 350 ljudi, zena i djece dovedenih jos iz Vlasenice i naselja Djila, Polom i dr. Iako se radilo o crkvi zlocinci nisu imali obzira prema tome, psovali su cak i Boga, tukli su zarobljenike, mucili ih, izgladnjivali a oko 200 je odvedeno i izgubljen im je svaki trag. Cak su cetnici u crkvi i silovali Bosnjakinje, i to djevojcice od 13 do 17 godina, a silöovanaj su vrsili i pred crkvom i to naocigled mnogih prisutniih zatvorenika. Mucenja i silovanja u logoru-crkvi vrsili su: Dragoljub i Pero Jovanovic iz Hrance, Zoran Mladjenovic, Tadija Jokic iz Pajic Hrance, Radomir Jovanovic iz Kravice, te stari Golub Eric koji je ubijao Bosnjake i tokom drugog svjetskog rata.

   Silovanja

   Osim silovanja u ovom logoru-crkvi u Kravicama, cetnici su Bosnjakinje Bratunca silovali i po kucama prilikom hajki i hapsenja, a odvodili su ih i na druga mjesta i seksualno zlostavljali. Tacan broj silovanih se ne zna i nikada se nece ni znati, ali se sigurno radi o desetinama. Neke od silovanih Bosnjakinja Bratunca smogle su snage i svjedocile ono sto su im cetnici, uglavnom komsije i poznanici, cinili. U jednom od tih svjedocenja hrabra, silovana Bosnjakinja kaze:”(…) Kadasu nas doveli do stale, naredili su nam da stanemo. Prisao nam je visok vojnik, plave kratke kose, imao je vojnu kapu na glavi i brkove. Bio je star oko 23 godine. Odveo je iza stale moju amidzicnu staru 19 godina. Kada je odveo nju vratio se kod nas. Sve se desavalo pred svima, pred mojom porodicom i komsijama. Moju rodicu je dao svom drugu.

   Mene je pozvao da podjem sa njim, ali sam se pravila da ne cujem. Nakon nekoliko njegovih poziva i moje sutnje, grubo mi je prisao , uhvatio me za kosu i povukao za sobom. Sve su to gledali moji rodjaci, nena i komsije. Odveo me je u obliznju sumu. U sumi je bilo nekoliko srbocetnika. Jedan od njih bio mi je poznat. Sjetila sam se ko je. Bio je to Slobodan Lazic iz okoline Bratunca. Na glavi je imao bijelu krvavu majicu. Kda su me uveli u sumu, naredili su mi da se svucem. Nisam htjela, odbila sam i pocela bjezati iz sume, ali su mi zaprijetili nozem. Kada sam pocela vikati i vristati, jedan od Srba stavio mi je noz pod grlo, porezavsi me njime. Osjetila sam na vratu posjekotinu i krv. Onda je prisao onaj plavi visoki brko i raskopcao mi bluzu. Drugi mi je svukao suknju, dok mi je noz bio na vratu. Nisam smjela ni pisnuti. Tada su me silovala njih trojica. Osim Lazica, drugima nisam znala imena, ali pretpostavljam da su iz sela u okolini ”Bratunca”, zavrsava svoju pricu obecascena Bosnjakinja.

   Bratunac: Pravda nije zadovoljena

   Ubice slobodno šetaju od Srbije do Amerike

   Još niko nije odgovarao za likvidaciju Bošnjaka početkom rata u OŠ “Vuk Karadžić”, kao i na drugim bratunačkim stratištima…

   Uoči 11. maja, dana dženaze tridesetak identificiranih Bošnjaka iz Bratunca, ubijenih početkom rata u logoru koji se nalazio u OŠ “Vuk Karadžić”, kao i na drugim bratunačkim stratištima, iznova se postavlja pitanje zašto ni 16 godina od ovog zločina još niko nije uhapšen, niti izveden pred nadležne sudove.

   Jedan od preživjelih logoraša prisjeća se kako je u salu ušao “čuveni Bučalina”, a za njim i Milan Trišić.
   – Tražili su Ramu Karića, vozača iz “Vihora”. U tom trenutku se javio Ramo Hodžić, također vozač. Izveli su i njega. Kada su došli po Ramu Karića, pucali su mu u podlakticu, a potom ga također izveli. Ni Hodžić, a ni Karić, kao ni drugi “Vihorovi” vozači Dževad Bajramović, Idriz Suljić, izvjesni Medo, kojem ne znam prezime, zajedno s dvojicom sinova, nisu se više vratili. Svi su ubijeni – kaže naš sagovornik, tvrdeći da Bučalina najčešće boravi u Ljuboviji, ali da se, posebno noću, može sresti i na području Bratunca.

   “Dnevnom avazu” ovih dana je proslijeđena informacija iz SAD, koja govori da se već nekoliko godina u jednoj od tamošnjih država skriva Milan Trišić, bivši vozač bratunačkog “Vihora”, koji je u logoru škole “Vuk Karadžić” bio zadužen za zatočene vozače iz svoje firme. Informacija govori da Trišić krije podatke iz svoje biografije i da se čak druži s bošnjačkim izbjeglicama u Americi.

   Gdje su Makedonac i Ban, najpoznatije ubice iz školske sale, za sada niko ne zna. Dok bratunački Srbi tvrde da je Makedonac ubijen tokom rata i da mu se grob nalazi na području Konjević-Polja, dotle su mnogi skloniji priči da ovaj ubica živi u Srbiji.

   Salkić: Počinioci zločina žive u potpunom miru
   – Tužilaštva se ponašaju kao da se to njih ne tiče, a počinioci zločina žive u potpunom miru. Najgore je što preživjeli logoraši iz Bratunca znaju ko je izvodio ljude iz fiskulturne sale OŠ “Vuk Karadžić”, ko se nakon toga nije vratio, ali niko nas o tome ne pita – kaže Ramiz Salkić, jedan od preživjelih logoraša iz škole u Bratuncu, koji se trenutno nalazi u bolnici, upravo zbog posljedica tortura koje je preživio prilikom zatočeništva.

   Ovo objavljujem i prezentujem sa ciljem da Allahovi neprijatelji nemaju miran san i da znaju da ih znamo: ko su, šta su i šta rade…[/img]
9. Mike says:

   May 9, 2010 at 11:36 pm

   http://www.suza-dolinska.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=147&Itemid=33

   STRADANJE OBITELJI ROMANEŠEN
   STRADANJE OBITELJI ROMANEŠEN U CATRNJI KOD BOSANSKE GRADIŠKE

   U knjizi «SRPSKI ZLOCINI NAD HRVATSIMA I MUSLIMANIMA (1991. – 1995.) U BOS. POSAVINNI I SJEVEROZAPADNOJ BOSNI» u izdanju Saveza zajednica Udruga Hrvata izbjeglica i povratnika i Centra za dokumentaciju o Domovinskom ratu, Zagreb, Orašje, Mostar, Sarajevo 1999. godine, na str. 368 izmedju ostalog piše:

   «Romanešen (Gregora) Mihajlo – muškarac, po nacionalnosti Ukrajinac, rodjen 1908. godine iz sela Catrnja (opcina Bos. Gradiška). Pripadnici srpskih snaga su ga , 20. 07. 1992. godine, spalili zajedno s kucom u kojoj je živio.

   «Romanešen (Gregora) Mihajlo – muškarac, po nacionalnosti Ukrajinac, rodjen 1908. godine iz sela Catrnja (opcina Bos. Gradiška). Pripadnici srpskih snaga su ga , 20. 07. 1992. godine, spalili zajedno s kucom u kojoj je živio.

   MIHAJLO SA KCERKOM DRAGICOM

   Mihajlovoj kceri Dragici (tada stara oko 37. godina) koja je bila ocevidnicom ovog strašnog zlocina, od tada se gubi svaki trag, a prema kazivanju svjedoka, Dragicu su nekoliko dana prije napada na njenog oca uhodili pripadnici srpskih snaga».

   U vruæu ljetnu vecer godine Gospodnje 1992 u selu Čatrnja , opcina Bosanska Gradiška dogodio se još jedan u nizu gnjusnih osvetnickih zlocina koji, do dan danas nije rasvijetljen . Te veceri, na svom kucnom pragu ubijen je hitcem u glavu i zapaljen starac Mihajlo Romanešen, a njegova kcer Dragica odvedena je u noæ i od tada joj nema traga. Ne želim ni pretpostavljati što su joj pomraèeni umovi napravili .

   Pocetkom dvadesetog stoljeca je majka Mihajla Romanešena u potrazi za boljim životom, stigla iz Galicije i nastanila se u selu Catrnja, u plodnoj ravnici, izmedju Kozare i Save. Buduci da je pocetkom stoljeca i Bosna i Galicija bila u sastavu tadašnje Austro – Ugarske monarhije, ovakve migracije stanovništva bile su ucestale. Zbog toga je u ovom dijelu Bosne, uz domicilno stanovništvo živjelo puno Nijemaca, Ukrajinaca i drugih naroda.

   Mihajlo je 1940 godine oženio Olgu Natali, Njemicu iz istog sela te su u tim burnim godinama poceli stvarati obitelj . Imali su petero djece, cetiri kceri: Rozaliju , Mariju , Angelu i Dragicu te sina Mihajla. Život je tih godina, nakon velikog svjetskog rata bio težak i skroman pa se je Mihajlo odlucio, kao i mnogi drugi uputiti u Sloveniju, gdje je zaradio i mirovinu.

   Djeca su odrasla , poudala se i otišla u bijeli svijet. U kuæe je nakon smrti supruge Olge, 1986. godine, ostao živjeti s kcerkom kcerkom Dragicom.

   Dragica je rodjena na Veliku Gospu 1951. godine. Nakon završetka Osnovne škole uposlila se i do same smrti radila u poduzeæu «Standard» u Bosanskoj Gradiški . Oni koji su je poznavali reci ce da je uvijek bila vedra duha ali i britka jezika, te je imala hrabrosti i srca reci sve ono što je i mislila.

   Nakon pocetka ratnih dogadjanja na zapadno slavonskom ratištu, život za nju i Mihajla postao je jako težak. Unatoè tome što nije bila Hrvatica, zauzela je prohrvatski stav, iako je znala da je to u tim vremenima, opasno po život, što se u konaènici i pokazalo istinito. I u trenutcima, kada je dobivala prijetnje razlicite naravi, nije htjela otici jer otac Mihajlo nije želio napustiti rodnu grudu. Bio je uvjeren da mu nitko ne želi nanijeti zlo, jer za to nije bilo razloga, buduæi da je cijeli život pomagao svim svojim susjedima.

   Te iste «komšije» misleæi da u kuæi ima dosta novaca, buduæi da je Mihajlo primao slovensku mirovinu i djecu u inozemstvu, cijelo vrijeme su planirali kako da ga opljackaju.

   Izabrali su trenutak nakon akcije «Berbir», kada su povampireni i željni osvete, tražili nekog na kome bi iskalili svoj bijes i mržnju. I tako je u jedno ljetno vecer „slavna“ i „hrabra“ srpska diverzantska skupina «Škorpioni» pokazivala svoju hrabrost na jadnom i nemocnom osamdesetogodišnjem starcu i njegovoj kæerki.

   Iako su poznat akteri ovoga zlocina, nikad nije pokrenuta nikakva istraga a o kaznama da se i ne govori .

   Dugo vremena je prošla a Dragici se još ne zna grob, kao ni brojnim drugim stanovnicima nesrpske nacionalnosti na podrucju opæine Bosanska Gradiška.
   Velimir Paušic

   Velimir Paušic
10. Mike says:

    May 10, 2010 at 12:22 am

    ISKAZI – SVJEDOCANSTVA – TEXT – ISTINA O STRADANJU,MUCENJU I NEHUMANIM POSTUPCIMA OD STRANE SRBA PREMA HRVATIMA I MUSLIMANIMA NA PODRUCJU BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE CIJI JE KRAJNJI CILJ BIO STVARANJE ETNICKI CISTE VELIKE SRBIJE….....

    K O P I J A I S K A Z A I Z T I S K A
    MIROSLAV VASILIĆ, ZAROBLJENI SRPSKI OFICIR GOVORI O SVOM RATNOM POHODU NA POSAVINU
    MI SMO SRUŠILI PLEHA I UBIJALI CIVILE!
    Četnički časnik Miroslav Vasilić samo je jedan od stotina srpskih mladića koje su zločinci Karadžić i Mladić gurnuli pred cijev hrvatskih branitelja u Orašju kako bi nastavili sa osvajanjem tuđih prostora i sa ubijanjem nesrpskog pučanstva. Ovaj srpski časnik je imao sreću da ne bude ubijen, a zahvaljujući Zapovjedništvu ZPO bili smo u prilici s njim i razgovarati. Evo, samo dio njegove ispovijesti u čiju točnost ipak treba sumnjati, jer i Miroslav, kao i mnogi drugi, sada nastoji svu krivicu skinuti na druge.
    Uz pomoć JNA i dobrovoljaca iz Srbije i Crne Gore vjerovali smo u stvaranje jedne velike srpske države u kojoj neće biti mjesta za Hrvate i Muslimane. Stalno su nas uvjeravali da će cijeli narod Srbije doći i boriti se za našu stvar, a komandanti JNA isticali da mi nastavljamo rat protiv ustaša. Nećete vjerovati, ali se mnogima san o velikoj Srbiji počeo rušiti već onih dana kada su naše mladiće danonoćno dovozili roditeljima da ih sahrane, a sada ih dovoze uz prijetnju obiteljima da ih moraju sahraniti samo noću – kaže Miroslav Vasilić, koji je po ratnim zaslugama dogurao do pomoćnika zapovjednika 2. bojne 11. dubičke brigade u kojoj se nalazi od 16. listopada 1991. godine. – Tog sam dana, kao pripadnik rezervista JNA, upućen s ostalim Dubičanima u Jasenovac da branimo od ustaša najveći srpski grad pod zemljom. Govorili su nam da je to sveta srpska zemlja i da protiv sebe imamo obične nenaoružane ljude koji se ne slažu s Tuđmanovim režimom. U lipnju 1992. sam, kao pripadnik 11. dubičke brigade, upućen na derventsko ratište u blizini hrvatskog sela Cer, gdje su ostale naše jedinice u operaciji pod nazivom “Koridor” bile angažirane iz nekoliko pravaca.
    Zauzeli smo to hrvatsko selo ubivši sve što se moglo ubiti. S majorom Pantelijom Čurguzom, krenuli smo u osvajanje hrvatskih sela Modrana i Plehana, a ja sam raspoređen u bataljun kojim je zapovijedao kapetan Ostoja Jajčanin. Preko njih je iz najvišeg vrha naše vojske odmah stigla i naredba da se miniraju, bolje reći uklone sa zemlje, svi tuđi vjerski i drugi objekti, posebno samostan Plehan, sve što je mirisalo na ustaštvo.
    Plehanski samostan srušila je inženjerijska jedinica 11. dubičke brigade pod zapovjedništvom kapetana Brane Mijatovića. Govorili su nam da je Plehan bio najveće ustaško gnijezdo i da ga treba izbrisati s lica zemlje. Kapetan Mijatović je nekoliko dana dovozio eksploziv kamionima i rušio zidine samostana. Zbog brzopletosti, u tim je eksplozijama život izgubilo i osam naših vojnika.
    Poslije derventskog ratišta, Miroslav Vasilić, kojega suborci zovu “Prićo” prebačen je na odžačko, a ubrzo je sa svojom “jedinicom” poslan na osvajanje Gradačca. – S našom 11. dubičkom brigadom zapovijedao je potpukovnik Milivoj Misirača. Zbog velikih gubitaka povučeni smo odatle i nakon kraćeg odmora upućeni na oraško ratište u selo Vučilovac. Za to vrijeme pokušali smo zauzeti selo Kopanice, ali smo povučeni nakon velikih gubitaka, a na naše položaje došla je brigada iz Čelića. Ta brigada je, prilikom oslobađanja Vučilovca od strane 101. brigade HVO-a iy Bosanskog Broda, imala više od stotinu poginulih i teško ranjenih, priznaje Miroslav Vasilić, koji u vojnom zatvoru u Orašju ne izaziva gotovo nikakvu pozornost, jer kako kaže jedan policajac HVO-a: “Bilo je ovdje i većih zvijeri!”
    Na naše pitanje koje sve brigade sudjeluju u napadu, odgovara: – Mi vojnici malo znamo što se događa na drugim dijelovima ratišta, jer nismo više u prilici kontaktirati, ali se zato među nama šire vijesti, prenesene šapatom. Jedino sa sigurnošću znam da je s jedne strane moje brigade 16. laka motorizirana brigada iz Banje Luke, koja je, za mene, najelitnija jedinica naše vojske, dok je s druge strane na koridoru 5. kozarska iz Prijedora i 1. i 2. posavska brigada, sastavljena od vojnika iz šamačke i brčanske općine. Također sam čuo da je na ovome ratištu angažirano sto naših tenkova i mnogo više druge tehnike, ali… Stanje u našoj vojsci je katastrofalno, toliko teško da su mnogi već pobjegli ili se skrivaju, a sada više neće ratovati ni – sirotinja. Plaće su nam samo 50 dinara, hrane više nema nego što ima, a, evo, vidite, ova hrana što sam je dobio u vašem zatvoru deset je puta bolja od naše. Kada bi mogli, svi bi obični vojnici pobacali puške i otišli kućama. – Eto, pred početak ofenzive “Osveta” na oraško-šamačko područje rekli su na, toga 05. svibnja, da će to biti čista formalnost, jer je Orašje zamijenjeno za zapadnu Slavoniju, pa je, po pričanju Talića, dovoljno da mi samo malo zapucamo, potprašimo pete ustašama i onda u hotelu “Kej” popijemo kavu. Kao, sve je to već sređeno s Hrvatima!. Ali, vrata, naišli smo na snagu prd kojom bi se morali povući i daleko jači od nas. Umjesto Talićeve formalnosti, mi smo izgubili vojnike koji su opet povjerovali svojim vođama, jada se Miroslav VAsilić, koji se “zanio” pričom tako da je skoro zaboravio da se nalazi u vojnom zatvoru u Orašju i nastavlja: – Mi ne možemo nazad, nego samo u smrt. Osjećam je i po tome što sve više razmišljam o ocu i majci, koji sigurno znaju da se nisam vratio, ali ne znaju što je sa mnom. Razmišljam i o razmjeni, te putu u Njemačku sestri Miri. A što ako me vrate u “Krajinu”? Nema mi druge nego ponovno uzeti pušku i na ratište. U protivnom, čeka me metak po kratkom postupku.
    Na pitanje kako dalje, Miroslav odgovara: – Za nas bi bilo najbolje da se pronađe bilo kakav politički dogovor, pa da se spasi što sejoš spasiti može. Svjesni smo da ne možemo zadržati tuđe domove kada su i naši prazni. Jesmo li svjesni zla u koje su nas gurnuli naši zapovjednici? Umjesto odgovora, rekao bih da sam imao priliku slušati kratke ispovijesti naših teško ranjenih vojnika koji su urlali: “Neću umrijeti, hoću kući, neću ubijati..”, a onda su umirali bez suosjećanja drugih. Kada bi mi se pružila prilika, poručio bih ocu i majci da sam živ, da imam dostojan tretman i da ovdje nisu ustaše koje kolju. Uvjeren sam da će naši zapovjednici nastaviti ofenzivu “Osveta” i mnoge druge osvete, a osveta će biti sve dok je njima dobro – kaže nam na kraju Miroslav Vasilić, pomoćnik zapovjednika 2. bojne 11. dubičke brigade vojske ratnog zločinca Ratka Mladića.
    On je, kažu pripadnici 201. domobranske pukovnije HVO-a, imao sreću što je zarobljen, a kako sada stvari stoje u Karadžićevoj paradržavici, ni Miroslava, kao ni stotine njemu slične, više ne zanimaju raznorazni srpski voždovi koji se utrkuju tko će biti najveći među njima. – Sreća je u nesreći što sve više mladih ljudi bježi u inozemstvo. neka oni svjedoče o istini, ma kako bila teška. Ovo je moje svjedočenje, čovjeka koji će već možda sutra ponovno uzeti pušku u ruke i možda ponovo doći na ovo ratište. Dođem li, znajte da nisam, kao i stotine drugih, imao izbora. Metak s ove ili s one strane za mene je jedno te isto, završio je svoje svjedočenje Miroslav.
    K O P I J A I S K A Z A I Z T I S K A
    MIROSLAV VASILIĆ, ZAROBLJENI SRPSKI OFICIR GOVORI O SVOM RATNOM POHODU NA POSAVINU

    MI SMO SRUŠILI PLEHA I UBIJALI CIVILE!

    Četnički časnik Miroslav Vasilić samo je jedan od stotina srpskih mladića koje su zločinci Karadžić i Mladić gurnuli pred cijev hrvatskih branitelja u Orašju kako bi nastavili sa osvajanjem tuđih prostora i sa ubijanjem nesrpskog pučanstva. Ovaj srpski časnik je imao sreću da ne bude ubijen, a zahvaljujući Zapovjedništvu ZPO bili smo u prilici s njim i razgovarati. Evo, samo dio njegove ispovijesti u čiju točnost ipak treba sumnjati, jer i Miroslav, kao i mnogi drugi, sada nastoji svu krivicu skinuti na druge.

    Uz pomoć JNA i dobrovoljaca iz Srbije i Crne Gore vjerovali smo u stvaranje jedne velike srpske države u kojoj neće biti mjesta za Hrvate i Muslimane. Stalno su nas uvjeravali da će cijeli narod Srbije doći i boriti se za našu stvar, a komandanti JNA isticali da mi nastavljamo rat protiv ustaša. Nećete vjerovati, ali se mnogima san o velikoj Srbiji počeo rušiti već onih dana kada su naše mladiće danonoćno dovozili roditeljima da ih sahrane, a sada ih dovoze uz prijetnju obiteljima da ih moraju sahraniti samo noću – kaže Miroslav Vasilić, koji je po ratnim zaslugama dogurao do pomoćnika zapovjednika 2. bojne 11. dubičke brigade u kojoj se nalazi od 16. listopada 1991. godine.
    – Tog sam dana, kao pripadnik rezervista JNA, upućen s ostalim Dubičanima u Jasenovac da branimo od ustaša najveći srpski grad pod zemljom. Govorili su nam da je to sveta srpska zemlja i da protiv sebe imamo obične nenaoružane ljude koji se ne slažu s Tuđmanovim režimom. U lipnju 1992. sam, kao pripadnik 11. dubičke brigade, upućen na derventsko ratište u blizini hrvatskog sela Cer, gdje su ostale naše jedinice u operaciji pod nazivom “Koridor” bile angažirane iz nekoliko pravaca.

    Zauzeli smo to hrvatsko selo ubivši sve što se moglo ubiti. S majorom Pantelijom Čurguzom, krenuli smo u osvajanje hrvatskih sela Modrana i Plehana, a ja sam raspoređen u bataljun kojim je zapovijedao kapetan Ostoja Jajčanin. Preko njih je iz najvišeg vrha naše vojske odmah stigla i naredba da se miniraju, bolje reći uklone sa zemlje, svi tuđi vjerski i drugi objekti, posebno samostan Plehan, sve što je mirisalo na ustaštvo.

    Plehanski samostan srušila je inženjerijska jedinica 11. dubičke brigade pod zapovjedništvom kapetana Brane Mijatovića. Govorili su nam da je Plehan bio najveće ustaško gnijezdo i da ga treba izbrisati s lica zemlje. Kapetan Mijatović je nekoliko dana dovozio eksploziv kamionima i rušio zidine samostana. Zbog brzopletosti, u tim je eksplozijama život izgubilo i osam naših vojnika.

    Poslije derventskog ratišta, Miroslav Vasilić, kojega suborci zovu “Prićo” prebačen je na odžačko, a ubrzo je sa svojom “jedinicom” poslan na osvajanje Gradačca.
    – S našom 11. dubičkom brigadom zapovijedao je potpukovnik Milivoj Misirača. Zbog velikih gubitaka povučeni smo odatle i nakon kraćeg odmora upućeni na oraško ratište u selo Vučilovac. Za to vrijeme pokušali smo zauzeti selo Kopanice, ali smo povučeni nakon velikih gubitaka, a na naše položaje došla je brigada iz Čelića. Ta brigada je, prilikom oslobađanja Vučilovca od strane 101. brigade HVO-a iy Bosanskog Broda, imala više od stotinu poginulih i teško ranjenih, priznaje Miroslav Vasilić, koji u vojnom zatvoru u Orašju ne izaziva gotovo nikakvu pozornost, jer kako kaže jedan policajac HVO-a: “Bilo je ovdje i većih zvijeri!”

    Na naše pitanje koje sve brigade sudjeluju u napadu, odgovara:
    – Mi vojnici malo znamo što se događa na drugim dijelovima ratišta, jer nismo više u prilici kontaktirati, ali se zato među nama šire vijesti, prenesene šapatom. Jedino sa sigurnošću znam da je s jedne strane moje brigade 16. laka motorizirana brigada iz Banje Luke, koja je, za mene, najelitnija jedinica naše vojske, dok je s druge strane na koridoru 5. kozarska iz Prijedora i 1. i 2. posavska brigada, sastavljena od vojnika iz šamačke i brčanske općine. Također sam čuo da je na ovome ratištu angažirano sto naših tenkova i mnogo više druge tehnike, ali… Stanje u našoj vojsci je katastrofalno, toliko teško da su mnogi već pobjegli ili se skrivaju, a sada više neće ratovati ni – sirotinja. Plaće su nam samo 50 dinara, hrane više nema nego što ima, a, evo, vidite, ova hrana što sam je dobio u vašem zatvoru deset je puta bolja od naše. Kada bi mogli, svi bi obični vojnici pobacali puške i otišli kućama.
    – Eto, pred početak ofenzive “Osveta” na oraško-šamačko područje rekli su na, toga 05. svibnja, da će to biti čista formalnost, jer je Orašje zamijenjeno za zapadnu Slavoniju, pa je, po pričanju Talića, dovoljno da mi samo malo zapucamo, potprašimo pete ustašama i onda u hotelu “Kej” popijemo kavu. Kao, sve je to već sređeno s Hrvatima!. Ali, vrata, naišli smo na snagu prd kojom bi se morali povući i daleko jači od nas. Umjesto Talićeve formalnosti, mi smo izgubili vojnike koji su opet povjerovali svojim vođama, jada se Miroslav VAsilić, koji se “zanio” pričom tako da je skoro zaboravio da se nalazi u vojnom zatvoru u Orašju i nastavlja:
    – Mi ne možemo nazad, nego samo u smrt. Osjećam je i po tome što sve više razmišljam o ocu i majci, koji sigurno znaju da se nisam vratio, ali ne znaju što je sa mnom. Razmišljam i o razmjeni, te putu u Njemačku sestri Miri. A što ako me vrate u “Krajinu”? Nema mi druge nego ponovno uzeti pušku i na ratište. U protivnom, čeka me metak po kratkom postupku.

    Na pitanje kako dalje, Miroslav odgovara:
    – Za nas bi bilo najbolje da se pronađe bilo kakav politički dogovor, pa da se spasi što sejoš spasiti može. Svjesni smo da ne možemo zadržati tuđe domove kada su i naši prazni. Jesmo li svjesni zla u koje su nas gurnuli naši zapovjednici? Umjesto odgovora, rekao bih da sam imao priliku slušati kratke ispovijesti naših teško ranjenih vojnika koji su urlali: “Neću umrijeti, hoću kući, neću ubijati..”, a onda su umirali bez suosjećanja drugih. Kada bi mi se pružila prilika, poručio bih ocu i majci da sam živ, da imam dostojan tretman i da ovdje nisu ustaše koje kolju. Uvjeren sam da će naši zapovjednici nastaviti ofenzivu “Osveta” i mnoge druge osvete, a osveta će biti sve dok je njima dobro – kaže nam na kraju Miroslav Vasilić, pomoćnik zapovjednika 2. bojne 11. dubičke brigade vojske ratnog zločinca Ratka Mladića.

    On je, kažu pripadnici 201. domobranske pukovnije HVO-a, imao sreću što je zarobljen, a kako sada stvari stoje u Karadžićevoj paradržavici, ni Miroslava, kao ni stotine njemu slične, više ne zanimaju raznorazni srpski voždovi koji se utrkuju tko će biti najveći među njima.
    – Sreća je u nesreći što sve više mladih ljudi bježi u inozemstvo. neka oni svjedoče o istini, ma kako bila teška. Ovo je moje svjedočenje, čovjeka koji će već možda sutra ponovno uzeti pušku u ruke i možda ponovo doći na ovo ratište. Dođem li, znajte da nisam, kao i stotine drugih, imao izbora. Metak s ove ili s one strane za mene je jedno te isto, završio je svoje svjedočenje Miroslav.
    ————————————————————————————————————————K O P I J A I S K A Z A I Z T I S K A

    MIROSLAV VASILIĆ, ZAROBLJENI SRPSKI OFICIR GOVORI O SVOM RATNOM POHODU NA POSAVINU

    MI SMO SRUŠILI PLEHA I UBIJALI CIVILE!

    Četnički časnik Miroslav Vasilić samo je jedan od stotina srpskih mladića koje su zločinci Karadžić i Mladić gurnuli pred cijev hrvatskih branitelja u Orašju kako bi nastavili sa osvajanjem tuđih prostora i sa ubijanjem nesrpskog pučanstva. Ovaj srpski časnik je imao sreću da ne bude ubijen, a zahvaljujući Zapovjedništvu ZPO bili smo u prilici s njim i razgovarati. Evo, samo dio njegove ispovijesti u čiju točnost ipak treba sumnjati, jer i Miroslav, kao i mnogi drugi, sada nastoji svu krivicu skinuti na druge.

    Uz pomoć JNA i dobrovoljaca iz Srbije i Crne Gore vjerovali smo u stvaranje jedne velike srpske države u kojoj neće biti mjesta za Hrvate i Muslimane. Stalno su nas uvjeravali da će cijeli narod Srbije doći i boriti se za našu stvar, a komandanti JNA isticali da mi nastavljamo rat protiv ustaša. Nećete vjerovati, ali se mnogima san o velikoj Srbiji počeo rušiti već onih dana kada su naše mladiće danonoćno dovozili roditeljima da ih sahrane, a sada ih dovoze uz prijetnju obiteljima da ih moraju sahraniti samo noću – kaže Miroslav Vasilić, koji je po ratnim zaslugama dogurao do pomoćnika zapovjednika 2. bojne 11. dubičke brigade u kojoj se nalazi od 16. listopada 1991. godine.
    – Tog sam dana, kao pripadnik rezervista JNA, upućen s ostalim Dubičanima u Jasenovac da branimo od ustaša najveći srpski grad pod zemljom. Govorili su nam da je to sveta srpska zemlja i da protiv sebe imamo obične nenaoružane ljude koji se ne slažu s Tuđmanovim režimom. U lipnju 1992. sam, kao pripadnik 11. dubičke brigade, upućen na derventsko ratište u blizini hrvatskog sela Cer, gdje su ostale naše jedinice u operaciji pod nazivom “Koridor” bile angažirane iz nekoliko pravaca.

    Zauzeli smo to hrvatsko selo ubivši sve što se moglo ubiti. S majorom Pantelijom Čurguzom, krenuli smo u osvajanje hrvatskih sela Modrana i Plehana, a ja sam raspoređen u bataljun kojim je zapovijedao kapetan Ostoja Jajčanin. Preko njih je iz najvišeg vrha naše vojske odmah stigla i naredba da se miniraju, bolje reći uklone sa zemlje, svi tuđi vjerski i drugi objekti, posebno samostan Plehan, sve što je mirisalo na ustaštvo.

    Plehanski samostan srušila je inženjerijska jedinica 11. dubičke brigade pod zapovjedništvom kapetana Brane Mijatovića. Govorili su nam da je Plehan bio najveće ustaško gnijezdo i da ga treba izbrisati s lica zemlje. Kapetan Mijatović je nekoliko dana dovozio eksploziv kamionima i rušio zidine samostana. Zbog brzopletosti, u tim je eksplozijama život izgubilo i osam naših vojnika.

    Poslije derventskog ratišta, Miroslav Vasilić, kojega suborci zovu “Prićo” prebačen je na odžačko, a ubrzo je sa svojom “jedinicom” poslan na osvajanje Gradačca.
    – S našom 11. dubičkom brigadom zapovijedao je potpukovnik Milivoj Misirača. Zbog velikih gubitaka povučeni smo odatle i nakon kraćeg odmora upućeni na oraško ratište u selo Vučilovac. Za to vrijeme pokušali smo zauzeti selo Kopanice, ali smo povučeni nakon velikih gubitaka, a na naše položaje došla je brigada iz Čelića. Ta brigada je, prilikom oslobađanja Vučilovca od strane 101. brigade HVO-a iy Bosanskog Broda, imala više od stotinu poginulih i teško ranjenih, priznaje Miroslav Vasilić, koji u vojnom zatvoru u Orašju ne izaziva gotovo nikakvu pozornost, jer kako kaže jedan policajac HVO-a: “Bilo je ovdje i većih zvijeri!”

    Na naše pitanje koje sve brigade sudjeluju u napadu, odgovara:
    – Mi vojnici malo znamo što se događa na drugim dijelovima ratišta, jer nismo više u prilici kontaktirati, ali se zato među nama šire vijesti, prenesene šapatom. Jedino sa sigurnošću znam da je s jedne strane moje brigade 16. laka motorizirana brigada iz Banje Luke, koja je, za mene, najelitnija jedinica naše vojske, dok je s druge strane na koridoru 5. kozarska iz Prijedora i 1. i 2. posavska brigada, sastavljena od vojnika iz šamačke i brčanske općine. Također sam čuo da je na ovome ratištu angažirano sto naših tenkova i mnogo više druge tehnike, ali… Stanje u našoj vojsci je katastrofalno, toliko teško da su mnogi već pobjegli ili se skrivaju, a sada više neće ratovati ni – sirotinja. Plaće su nam samo 50 dinara, hrane više nema nego što ima, a, evo, vidite, ova hrana što sam je dobio u vašem zatvoru deset je puta bolja od naše. Kada bi mogli, svi bi obični vojnici pobacali puške i otišli kućama.
    – Eto, pred početak ofenzive “Osveta” na oraško-šamačko područje rekli su na, toga 05. svibnja, da će to biti čista formalnost, jer je Orašje zamijenjeno za zapadnu Slavoniju, pa je, po pričanju Talića, dovoljno da mi samo malo zapucamo, potprašimo pete ustašama i onda u hotelu “Kej” popijemo kavu. Kao, sve je to već sređeno s Hrvatima!. Ali, vrata, naišli smo na snagu prd kojom bi se morali povući i daleko jači od nas. Umjesto Talićeve formalnosti, mi smo izgubili vojnike koji su opet povjerovali svojim vođama, jada se Miroslav VAsilić, koji se “zanio” pričom tako da je skoro zaboravio da se nalazi u vojnom zatvoru u Orašju i nastavlja:
    – Mi ne možemo nazad, nego samo u smrt. Osjećam je i po tome što sve više razmišljam o ocu i majci, koji sigurno znaju da se nisam vratio, ali ne znaju što je sa mnom. Razmišljam i o razmjeni, te putu u Njemačku sestri Miri. A što ako me vrate u “Krajinu”? Nema mi druge nego ponovno uzeti pušku i na ratište. U protivnom, čeka me metak po kratkom postupku.

    Na pitanje kako dalje, Miroslav odgovara:
    – Za nas bi bilo najbolje da se pronađe bilo kakav politički dogovor, pa da se spasi što sejoš spasiti može. Svjesni smo da ne možemo zadržati tuđe domove kada su i naši prazni. Jesmo li svjesni zla u koje su nas gurnuli naši zapovjednici? Umjesto odgovora, rekao bih da sam imao priliku slušati kratke ispovijesti naših teško ranjenih vojnika koji su urlali: “Neću umrijeti, hoću kući, neću ubijati..”, a onda su umirali bez suosjećanja drugih. Kada bi mi se pružila prilika, poručio bih ocu i majci da sam živ, da imam dostojan tretman i da ovdje nisu ustaše koje kolju. Uvjeren sam da će naši zapovjednici nastaviti ofenzivu “Osveta” i mnoge druge osvete, a osveta će biti sve dok je njima dobro – kaže nam na kraju Miroslav Vasilić, pomoćnik zapovjednika 2. bojne 11. dubičke brigade vojske ratnog zločinca Ratka Mladića.

    On je, kažu pripadnici 201. domobranske pukovnije HVO-a, imao sreću što je zarobljen, a kako sada stvari stoje u Karadžićevoj paradržavici, ni Miroslava, kao ni stotine njemu slične, više ne zanimaju raznorazni srpski voždovi koji se utrkuju tko će biti najveći među njima.
    – Sreća je u nesreći što sve više mladih ljudi bježi u inozemstvo. neka oni svjedoče o istini, ma kako bila teška. Ovo je moje svjedočenje, čovjeka koji će već možda sutra ponovno uzeti pušku u ruke i možda ponovo doći na ovo ratište. Dođem li, znajte da nisam, kao i stotine drugih, imao izbora. Metak s ove ili s one strane za mene je jedno te isto, završio je svoje svjedočenje Miroslav.
    ————————————————————————————————————————Ovakvih svjedocenja je na desetine hiljada pa ce mo vidjeti ko ima vise argumenata
11. Tread says:

    May 10, 2010 at 9:29 am

    Congratulations, Rince. You’ve proven yourself to be a full-fledged nutter and a cut-and-paste troll. You’ve successfully derailed a comment thread that had nothing to do with the nonsense you’re posting now.

    You win at the Internet.
12. Rince says:

    May 10, 2010 at 4:28 pm

    Tread. Was “nonsense” did i post? Are you talking about the muslim crimes against the serbian population in podrinje between 1992 and 1995? This crimes aren’t nonsense.
13. Rince says:

    May 10, 2010 at 4:29 pm

    STATEMENT. GIVEN BY RADE STJEPANOVIC ON THE ATTACK ON THE VILLAGE OF JEZESTICA ON AUGUST 8, 1992

    Jezestica is one of the largest Serb villages in the commune of Bratunac; along its entire length from the east to the southwest it borders on the Moslem villages of the commune of Srebrenica and with Mt. Buljim, and in the plains with the asphalt road Bratunac-Kravica.

    Due to such a position, Jezestica is an important strategic place which was attacked also in WW II. Then too, fifty years ago, the Turks, those loyal neighbours, burned the village to the ground and in one single day killed and massacred 182 innocent people, mostly children. It is positively known that the main leader and butcher was Bekto Kamenica.

    And now again, on August 8, fifty years later, but now Bekto’s sons and grandsons, Munib, Ramiz and Dzemal, and their relatives Enver and Hamdija Alispahic, Mustafa and Juso Djukic and their sons and other Ustashi butchers committed an unheard-of crime.

    They killed Savka Mladjenovic and her two sons Dragan, born in 1962 and Andjelko born in 1966, on their doorstep, and while Andjelko was lying wounded the Turks cut off his head, just because he was a Serb and had a nice black beard. His mother and brother helplessly looked on, themselves severely wounded by Turkish knives. The other innocent victims are Vojin Bogicevic, who courageously and resolutely fought on despite profuse bleeding and who succumbed to the wounds in spite of timely aid, Milosav and Savka Stjepanovic, Milan and Sreten Rankovic; Drago Djuric got minor wounds and two, seriously wounded combatants Srbo Djuric and Radomir Djokic, are in hospital in Belgrade.

    In addition to such a horrendous crime the Turks set fire to 54 houses and all the auxiliary buildings, took away large quantities of food, some 15 cows, several horses and several flocks of sheep.

    The attack on the village of Jezestica started at 12 noon by a lightning-quick and minutely planned action of the Ustashi, who from the nearby hill dividing the village into two parts, showered us with shells and fire from machine guns. They covered their men entering the village well by shooting on our positions. The fighting was fierce, chest to chest. They were many in numbers and advanced as madmen and wild beasts, disregarding their losses and only pursuing their aim to destroy the village and loot it. When we saw that an encirclement of a large number of Ustashi was tightening around us we had to retreat to another hill behind us where we waited for help which, regrettably, came only after ninety minutes. Only then we launched a major charge and quickly pushed the Ustashi back, and they ran away leaving both their loot and victims behind. Only then could we get to our wounded and dead. Then we found the horrendous picture of the two dead brothers Dragan and Andjelko and their mother Savka Andjelkovic. The Ustashi had cut Andjelko’s head off only because he had a beard. Then we found the dead bodies of Milosav and [woman] Savka Stjepanovic, Vojin Bogicevic, Milan and Sreten Rankovic, and Srbo Djuric and Radomir Djokic who were severely wounded and Drago Djuric who had minor wounds.

    Bratunac, August 30,1992

    ([Witness] Rade Stjepanovic)
14. Davor says:

    May 10, 2010 at 6:22 pm

    ”...The open letter is repeating the claim often made by Srebrenica deniers and apologists, that Bosnian Army forces based in Srebrenica carried out raids against neighbouring Serb villages in 1992 and 1993 that killed a number of Serb civilians similar to the number of Muslims killed at Srebrenica in 1995.

    This claim has been thoroughly debunked by the research of Mirsad Tokaca and the Research and Documentation Centre (RDC) in Sarajevo. The RDC’s figures show that 81.06% of all war deaths from the Podrinje region – where Srebrenica and the surrounding Serb villages are located – during the whole of the war were Muslims (a total of 16,940 civilians and 7,177 soldiers), while 18.73% were Serbs (870 civilians and 4,703) soldiers. The RDC’s figures show that 10,333 people from the Podrinje region were killed during 1995; that over 93% of these were Muslims; and that 9,328 out of the 10,333 were killed during the single month of July. Conversely, the RDC has specifically investigated the Serb death-toll in the Bratunac municipality, where the bulk of Bosnian Army killings in the Srebrenica region are alleged to have taken place, and concluded that 119 Serb civilians and 448 Serb soldiers were killed there during the whole of the war.”

    http://www.bosnia.org.uk/news/news_body.cfm?newsid=2697

    http://greatersurbiton.wordpress.com/2008/01/04/what-do-the-figures-for-the-bosnian-war-dead-tell-us/
15. ida says:

    May 11, 2010 at 12:01 am

    “research of Mirsad Tokaca and the Research and Documentation Centre (RDC) in Sarajevo”

    This is Muslim controlled “research” = propaganda.

    There are complete autopsy records and photos of dead Serbs all around the Srebrenica area UNLIKE the Muslims who do not put forth the complete autopsy records.

    Muslim researchers IGNORE the deaths of Serbs and also count elderly Serb farmers guarding their homes as “soldiers” or “military”.

    The Muslims were the ones PROVEN to lie and exaggerate. They were the ones found duplicating and triplicating the same people to exaggerate their deaths.

    They also count “missing” people as victims even though those “missing” people are often alive and well but don’t come forward, as has been discovered years later in some cases. In addition there is no real search for the missing. Basically they collect names during the chaos of war and when people have simply relocated or gone to another country and they act like all those who left are dead.
16. Rince says:

    May 11, 2010 at 9:48 am

    Davor. The work of the Muslim Mirsad Tokaca is based on false facts. Naser Orics and his soldiers killed in a single day more than 100 serb civilisans in a village. All in all they destroyed 50 serbian villages around Srebrenica and Bratunac. Dr. Zoran Stankovic has found more than 1200 serbian victims. In the whole Birac region the muslims killed more than 3200 Serbs:
    http://www.srebrenica-facts.com/namensliste_tote_serben
17. Rince says:

    May 11, 2010 at 9:50 am

    Weapons, Cash and Chaos Lend Clout
    to Srebrenica’s Tough Guy

    By John Pomfret,
    Washington Post Foreign Service

    The Washington Post, February 16, 1994

    SREBRENICA, Bosnia: Nasir Oric’s war trophies don’t line the wall of his comfortable apartment—one of the few with electricity in this besieged Muslim enclave stuck in the forbidding mountains of eastern Bosnia. They’re on a videocassette tape: burned Serb houses and headless Serb men, their bodies crumpled in a pathetic heap.

    “We had to use cold weapons that night,” Oric explains as scenes of dead men sliced by knives roll over his 21-inch Sony. “This is the house of a Serb named Ratso,” he offers as the camera cuts to a burned-out ruin. “He killed two of my men, so we torched it. Tough luck.”

    Reclining on an overstuffed couch, clothed head to toe in camouflage fatigues, a U.S. Army patch proudly displayed over his heart, Oric gives the impression of a lion in his den. For sure, the Muslim commander is the toughest guy in this town, which the U.N. Security Council has declared a protected “safe area.”

    Perhaps the time for toughness in Bosnia is nearing an end. The problem, though, is that hundreds of men like Oric who still want to fight dominate all three sides in this 22-month-old war. Nobody controls them; they have access to plenty of weapons and lead many young men. And, if anything, Balkan tradition is on their side.

    As the United Nations seeks to make a cease-fire work in Sarajevo under the threat of NATO airstrikes, officials face the issue of how to neutralize men like Oric. “I won’t let these people destroy the peace,” British army Lt. Gen. Michael Rose, commander of U.N. forces in Bosnia, told people in Sarajevo last weekend, referring to fighters who kept firing after the cease-fire began. “If we find out who they are, we will put their pictures on television and tell the world they are not serving your interests.”

    But Oric and others like him have other plans—in Sarajevo and elsewhere. For him and his counterparts within Bosnian Serb and Croat paramilitary units, the war has been a godsend. While the vast majority of the 44,000 people crammed into this enclave about 50 miles east of Sarajevo have no fuel, Oric rents out his car—a shiny black Volkswagen Golf. While most people spend their days and nights without electricity, Oric has power 24 hours a day. His generator runs on black-market diesel oil. It’s only natural, because he’s the biggest dealer in town.

    These days Oric’s men aren’t fighting much—although occasionally they sneak up behind the observation posts established by the Canadian U.N. troops on the borders of the “safe area” and take potshots at the 3,500 well-armed Serbs besieging Srebrenica.

    His troops’ main task is making a nine-hour trudge, across Serb lines, to the next U.N. “safe area” to the south: Zepa, where the Ukrainian U.N. troops are more amenable to deals than the 150-odd Canadian infantrymen here.

    A formidably muscled 27-year-old with a patchy black beard, Oric, a native of Srebrenica, kicked around for several years after graduating from trade school, where he learned metalworking. In 1987, out of work in Belgrade, he joined the Serbian capital’s police department and within several months was transferred to the republic’s police force, participating in a crackdown on Muslim ethnic Albanians.

    “I’m a man of action,” he said in a recent interview. “I like adventure.”

    The highlight of Oric’s career came when he served for two years as a personal bodyguard to Serbia’s nationalist president, Slobodan Milosevic, the man credited in the West with igniting Yugoslavia’s conflagration.

    “I was a professional,” Oric said. “It was a good, secure job.”

    Oric left the Serbian police early in 1992, when Serb nationalist fervor reached its peak. He was back in eastern Bosnia when the war broke out that April.

    Last winter, a Serb attack on the Muslim villages of Cerska and Koljevic Polje pushed Oric and his men into Srebrenica. If not for the intercession of U.N. troops, Oric would either be dead, in a prisoner of war camp or living in the hills.

    But Oric, who was wounded three times, sees it differently: “The U.N. saved the Serbs from our counterattack. We were ready to take it all back.”

    Part of Oric’s appeal to this refugee-packed town is that he tells displaced Muslims what they want to hear. He will win them back their homes; he will avenge their dead mothers and fathers, raped sisters and cousins.

    “As long as I am in Srebrenica,” he said, “it will never be Serb. We will protect the hearths of our people. We will never be Palestinians.”

    PREVIOUS TOP NEXT HOME
18. Tomo says:

    May 11, 2010 at 12:23 pm

    Fearsome Muslim warlord
    eludes Bosnian Serb forces

    Bill Schiller, Toronto Star

    The Toronto Star, July 16, 1995, Pg. A1

    BELGRADE, Yugoslavia – When Bosnian Serb commander Gen. Ratko Mladic swept triumphantly into Srebrenica last week, he not only wanted to sweep Srebrenica clean of Muslims – he wanted Nasir Oric.

    In Mladic’s view, the powerfully built Muslim commander had made life too difficult and too deadly for Serb communities nearby.

    Even though the Serbs had Srebrenica surrounded, Oric was still mounting commando raids by night against Serb targets.

    Oric, as blood-thirsty a warrior as ever crossed a battlefield, escaped Srebrenica before it fell. Some believe he may be leading the Bosnian Muslim forces in the nearby enclaves of Zepa and Gorazde. Last night these forces seized armored personnel carriers and other weapons from U.N. peacekeepers in order to better protect themselves.

    Oric is a fearsome man, and proud of it.

    I met him in January, 1994, in his own home in Serb-surrounded Srebrenica.

    On a cold and snowy night, I sat in his living room watching a shocking video version of what might have been called Nasir Oric’s Greatest Hits.

    There were burning houses, dead bodies, severed heads, and people fleeing.

    Oric grinned throughout, admiring his handiwork.

    “We ambushed them,” he said when a number of dead Serbs appeared on the screen.

    The next sequence of dead bodies had been done in by explosives: “We launched those guys to the moon,” he boasted.

    When footage of a bullet-marked ghost town appeared without any visible bodies, Oric hastened to announce: “We killed 114 Serbs there.”

    Later there were celebrations, with singers with wobbly voices chanting his praises.

    These video reminiscences, apparently, were from what Muslims regard as Oric’s glory days. That was before most of eastern Bosnia fell and Srebrenica became a “safe zone” with U.N. peacekeepers inside – and Serbs on the outside.

    Lately, however, Oric increased his hit-and-run attacks at night. And in Mladic’s view, it was far too successful for a community that was supposed to be suppressed.

    The Serbs regard Oric, once Serb President Slobodan Milosevic’s personal bodyguard, as a war criminal.

    But they don’t want to send him to the international war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands. They want to track him down and kill him.

    The only songs they want sung of Nasir Oric are funeral dirges.

    But that hasn’t happened.

    Srebrenica, surrounded by 3,000 armed Serbs as it was then, was a strange town. It held a desperate kind of life – a life in suspended animation.

    People talked about what they used to do, or used to be. Or about what they would do or would become once they were free again.

    Sleeping beneath the sheltering sky near Tuzla as Srebrenica’s surviving residents did last week – after having been driven from their homes – was not in their catalogue of expectations.

    I remember steep streets lined with snow and, everywhere, firewood.

    Srebrenica, an old silver mining town, was built to hold 4,500 residents, but was then crammed with 22,500. And the overall pocket, some 14 kilometres wide by 16 kilometres long, had swelled to 46,000 in all.

    It had the look and feel of an overcrowded, somewhat dilapidated, ski resort town.

    But it was anything but.

    Still, people were friendly. The face of an outsider, an unexplained newcomer, came as a pleasant surprise to them and I was welcomed into their homes, served tea brewed on makeshift firewood stoves, and treated with kindness.

    There was, even then, some tension in the air about our Canadian peacekeepers there. But they were still doing a good job – even an excellent one – despite extraordinarily high expectations.

    I got into Srebrenica by convincing Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic that the time was right for a journalist to visit. None had been allowed for more than 100 days. People were wondering what was going on behind the curtain.

    In the end, another journalist asked to come along. He had a vehicle, and I didn’t. It was a good trade-off.

    But what we smelled there, besides the smoke of a thousand and one cooking fires, was the slow death of hope.

    No one wanted to admit it was a hopeless situation. They wanted to believe that someone, something, perhaps some extraordinary act of fate, was going to save them and their town.

    They just didn’t know what it was. And that not knowing ate away at them, just as their thinning food supplies, having been choked off by the Serbs, did.

    At the very end of the only real street that led all the way down into the town and became, in effect, main street, I’ll always remember dozens of kids taking turns whizzing across a pool of sheer ice, their bottoms protected by worn pieces of thin cardboard.

    We don’t use the word “glee” anymore. But that’s what it was then. Glee on Main Street, Downtown Srebrenica.

    A bit of laughter against the cold. A bit of glee in the face of inevitable doom.
19. Rince says:

    May 11, 2010 at 10:01 pm

    Through the Eyes of Dutch Soldiers

    “In July 1995, 450 poorly armed soldiers of the Dutch battalion were supposed to ‘defend’ the entire well equipped 28th division of the Bosnian Muslim army, which counted some 10,000 troops! Why didn’t they defend themselves? I always wandered why is everyone protecting Muslims and no one is protecting the Serbs. We also had our bases in the torched Serbian villages, like Zalazje, for example. We could see the kind of atrocities Muslims were committing against the Serbs”, Marco Van Hees, now 34, former member of Dutch battalion (Dutchbat III) stationed in Srebrenica in 1995, told Belgrade daily Vecernje Novosti.

    Van Hees wants to help his fellow soldiers who continue to suffer terrible denigration, rejection and virtual isolation in their own country, being unjustly blamed for the Serb takeover of mujahideen-occupied Srebrenica during the Bosnian civil war.

    He wants to remove the irrational stigma from Dutch soldiers who were stationed in this part of eastern Bosnia under the UN auspices, who were accused of “failing to protect” Muslim fighters under the command of the war criminal Naser Oric, who were using Srebrenica safe haven status to raid the surrounding Serb-populated villages three years prior to the Bosnian Serb Army takeover.

    At the same time, as a soldier who was in the eye of the storm during the Bosnian civil war, Van Hees disagrees with the version of events imposed by the Western mainstream media, according to which Bosnian Muslims are declared victims, while the suffering of Bosnian Serbs is being swept under the carpet.
    Investigating Srebrenica Events in Netherlands

    This led him to Aleksandar Gavrilovic (22), born in Tilburg, whose parents came to Netherlands from the Serbian town of Cacak 25 years ago and who recently formed a Serbian Investigation Society.

    “My main mission is for the people to learn the truth about suffering of Serbs, not only in the latest wars, but in the entire 20th century”, Gavrilovic said.

    “For starters, the Society will translate into Dutch the book by Milivoj Ivanisevic, Director of the Center for Research of the crimes against the Serb nation, ‘Srebrenica, July 1995, In Search for the Truth’,” Gavrilovic said.
    “It is Not Our Fault Muslims Lost the Battle!”

    “Bosnian Federation lost the case against Netherlands which it sued for the alleged failings of our battalion. They sued us, although no Muslim lost his life while we were stationed in the bases in and around Srebrenica! The fact they lost the case, however, doesn’t mean that our troops got any measure of satisfaction”, Van Hees said, explaining that Dutch battalion was comprised of young troops, aged 19-20, unprepared for clashes.

    “We were saddened by the fact we are being sued by the ones we were helping out for almost two years… by those who were stealing our food and gasoline, who were cursing at us, insulting us… It is not our fault they lost the battle. Our task was to ‘protect them from the Serbs’, while they were attacking us. They killed one of our soldiers and wounded several others!”, Van Hees said.

    “There’s lots of problems with the Muslims”, he unexpectedly said in Serbian. “With Serbs there are ‘no problems’,” Dutchbat veteran said.

    “Commander of the Dutchbat, then-Lieutenant Colonel Karremans publicly said that the battle for Srebrenica was an ‘exceptionally well carried out military action’, after which he was criticized in Netherlands. Our battalion was withdrawing from Srebrenica on July 9, 10 and 11. Practically nothing was going on at that time,” Van Hees said.
    Serbs were Not Killing and Abusing Muslim Civilians

    Regarding the wish former members of the Dutch battalion expressed to testify on behalf of the Serbs in the Hague, Van Hees explained that “no Dutchbat soldier saw or heard of either the killing or raping of the Muslim civilians in Bosnia. Our soldiers who were on the buses, transporting [Bosnian Muslim] women and children from Potocari to Tuzla can testify there was no mistreatment or killings by the Serbs. Those who were in Kalimanici could also confirm they saw no killing of the Muslims. There was a lot of crime among the Muslims themselves in Srebrenica…,” Van Hees said.

    dutchbat_3_742
    “Our task was to ‘protect’ Muslims from the Serbs, but the Muslims were attacking us. They killed one of our soldiers and wounded several others,” Van Hees told Vecernje Novosti. [Group photo of the members of Srebrenica Dutch battalion, from Dutchbat III web site’s online gallery]
    Dutch Media Competed in Maligning their Own Troops

    When he first came to the region, Van Hees weighed 90 kilograms (198 pounds), he left weighing only 75kg (165lb).

    Q: Why did the Netherlands Government tarnish their own troops?

    MVH: When we returned home, the Dutch media were competing who will besmirch us more, assessing we are directly responsible for Srebrenica events. The Government and all the other state institutions attacked us. A number of battalion members, at least hundred of them, broke down completely at the time. They went crazy. Few of them committed suicide. We received no moral support. Most of the troops are permanently disabled due to psychological problems. By the way, more than 90 percent of them have finished no school prior to going to Bosnia.

    According to Vecernje Novosti, Dutch Srebrenica veterans are now suing the state of Netherlands, seeking both the moral satisfaction and the monetary compensation. Right now, they are being thrown around 200-300 Euros a month, which is far from being sufficient for living in Netherlands. They are continually exposed to humiliations. Marco says that even the girls are refusing to date soldiers who were in Srebrenica, “they regard them as failures”.
    What’s Good for the Goose…

    Meanwhile, Stefan Karganovic, head of the NGO Historical Project Srebrenica and the member of the legal team investigating crimes in Srebrenica region, recently announced a lawsuit against the UN and Netherlands because of the suffering of the Serb population in the UN safe haven.

    “If they are responsible for the Bosnian Muslim victims, then they are, according to the same principle, also responsible for the Bosnian Serb victims in the same time period, in the events that took place during the Bosnian war in and around Srebrenica”, Karganovic said.
20. Owen says:

    May 13, 2010 at 10:05 pm

    Rince, can you confirm that Marco van Hees served with Dutchbat 3? Or isn’t it the fact that he didn’t? He makes out that he was one of the soldiers who were there in July 1995 but that’s simply untrue. He served with Dutchbat 2 but for the purposes of Milivoje Ivanisevic’s stunt with Vecernje Novosti he passed himself off as having been a member of Dutchbat 3.

    He’s simply lying that “no Dutchbat soldier saw or heard of either the killing or raping of the Muslim civilians in Bosnia.” He could at least get the facts straight about the bodies the Dutch soldiers found at Potocari and saw heaped in the container on the Kravica-Konjevic Polje road, let alone anywhere else. And he knows that after the first few buses the VRS stopped the Dutch soldiers accompanying the women and children going from Potocari to Tuzla and then stole their jeeps so there was no possibility of them escorting the buses.

    Most notably van Hees doesn’t have any comment to make about how his supposed fellow battalion members were captured and held hostage by Mladic, who used their lives to bargain with and blackmail the Dutch.

    No wonder that at the time the board of the Dutchbat 3 Association issued a public statement that Marco van Hees did not and must not speak for them. Hardly surprising that they distanced themselves from him and his claims about them and said they would take the necessary steps to prevent any repetition.

    All this was done and dusted back in the autumn of 2008, more than a year and a half ago now. So just how “recently” did Stefan Karganovic, “head of the NGO Historical Project Srebrenica and the member of the legal team investigating crimes in Srebrenica region”, announce his lawsuit against the UN and Netherlands because of the suffering of the Serb population in the UN safe haven? Has he had time to hear from the Dutch District Court whether his action is legally admissible?

    You had plenty of time to check your facts before dumping. But that’s not you, is it? You can’t be bothered to check whether the stuff you drop off here is coherent or consistent, let alone relevant or accurate. But that’s not what it’s all about, is it?
21. Rince says:

    May 14, 2010 at 5:13 pm

    Mr. Beith. Marco van Hees never said he was on duty during the fall of Srebrenica. He was talking about the time when he was in Srebrenica, but this was bevore the fall of the City. He was talking to his mates when they returned to holland. And they told him all the same: they dit no see any crimes against the muslim civilians in Srebrenica and Potocari.

    Even the UN and muslim civil-deputys confirmed that no civilan was touched by the Serbs and that the muslims left Srebrenica on their own will. Both – the UN and the muslim deputys – confirmed that the Serbs evacuated the civilians i a correct way and that they didnt harm them. Here you can find the comunet, signed by the UN, the Serbs and the Muslims:
    http://www.karadzic-odbrana.com/ratne-naredbe/ratne-naredbe-1995-godine/136-izjava-predstavnika-civilnih-vlasti-enklave-srebrenixa.html#
22. Owen says:

    May 14, 2010 at 9:06 pm

    Rince, you sick little nasty, that text you signpost to at the Karadzic defence site is the note Miroslav Deronjic forced Franken and Mandzic sign on 17 July . Have you read it? Right at the beginning you’ll see

    “DECLARATION

    of the Representatives of the Civilian Authorities of the Enclave of Srebrenica on the realisation of the agreement on the evacuation of the civilian population of the Enclave.

    A meeting was held on July 12 1995 in the “Hotel Fontana” , on our request, between representatives of our civilian Authorities and representatives of the civilian Authorities and the Army of the Republic of Srpska; concerning the evacuation of our civilian population out of the enclave.

    Our side was represented by: Purkovic Camila, Nuhanovic Ibro and me, Nesib Mandzic. ”

    Did you give a moment’s thought to that mention of Camila Purkovic and Ibro Nuhanovic?

    Nesib Mandzic was the representative of the refugees who signed your little note because he was the only one of the three representatives who was actually able to sign.

    Camila Purkovic was still on the Dutchbat base but under sedation after a suicide attempt, having seen her husband and children removed by the Serbs (as Capt Franken elliptically put it in his evidence to the Popovic et al. trial “But the committee, ... was massively intimidated by the Serb forces to an extent that the lady had a complete nervous breakdown and had to be brought to the hospital”).

    Ibro Nuhanovic, though entitled to be evacuated by UNPROFOR had chosen to go with his wife and son when they were forced to leave the base and handed over by the Dutch to the Serbs. He may well have been dead already by this time, along with his wife and son. The bodies of both the parents have finally been recovered after being missing – the father in a mass grave, the mother on a rubbish tip, for more than a decade. The son’s remains are still missing.

    You’re an evil little colluder with the perpetrators of mass murder.

    Just go and read Nesib Mandzic’s testimony to the Krstic trial concerning the circumstances under which he signed that document. http://www.icty.org/x/cases/krstic/trans/en/000322it.htm

    Or read the evidence Capt. Franken gave to the Popovic et al. trial about the note at http://www.icty.org/x/cases/popovic/trans/en/061016IT.htm

    Don’t worry, Rince, if Karadzic attempts to produce this document in his defence, Mandzic and Franken will be there to refute him, not to mention perhaps even the repentant Deronjic.
    —-

    You’re misusing this blog for purposes of criminal misinformation. Maybe Viktor’s given up caring. I guess that’s Serbia for you. I feel dirty continuing this exchange, so you can take this as my last comment.
23. kk says:

    May 15, 2010 at 5:20 am

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kcCFJAfLTJE
24. Rince says:

    May 15, 2010 at 9:58 am

    Mr. Beith. Mr. Deronjic forced someone to sign a document in the presence of the UN? Come on, dont be funny. Camila Purkovic had have a nervouse breakdown? O.k, and what has it to do with the mentioned dokument, signed by all three sides? If the serbs killed Ibro Nuhanovic and his family, so why didnt the Serbs kill also Nesib Mandzic? Your comments makes absolutely no sense. I would say that Ibro Nuhanovic has tried to reach muslim controlled terrytory together with other Refugees and died during the fightings along the road together with many others. The Dokument from the Karadzic defense team is proofing exaktly this what dutch soldiers also have testified.
25. Rince says:

    May 15, 2010 at 10:18 am

    So the Serbs dint kill, Camila Purkovic, the Serbs dint kill Nesib Mandic, but they killed Ibro Nuhanovic? The Serbs must be indeed very strange killers. They let 2/3 of their “victims” go. The Serbs have captured in Srebrenica also prominent muslim Ibran Mustafic. Mustafic testyfied later, that the Serbs held him for a vew month. They wanted to check if he was involved in crimes against the Serbian polulation around Srebrenica. He was released later, because the Serbs couldnt proof hes invovment in any crimes. And here is the point: In your logic – dear mr. Beith – the Serbs have murdered inocent people, but at the same time they have released other people from jail, because there where no prooves for their gulit? Did you read to much in the book Alice in Wonderland? Its tragic how nonsense some Serbhater do write, when they dont have the facts to proove that the Serbs are a evil race.
26. Tomo says:

    May 15, 2010 at 11:43 am

    KK. Here is something for you: http://vimeo.com/8482257
27. Rince says:

    May 15, 2010 at 12:00 pm

    The New York Times
    211 Bosnians Free After 8 Months. Why So Long?
    By MIKE O’CONNOR
    Published: April 11, 1996

    SIMIN HAN, Bosnia and Herzegovina, April 10— The smile did not leave her face, but her eyes began to fill with tears as she led her husband down the path to the house where his two young children awaited him.

    “At times the whole family would go crazy waiting for him, not knowing if he would ever come back to us,” said Shura Rizvic, 34. Dressed as well as a refugee mother could be, in a blue suit and freshly shined brown pumps, she said, “We kept asking ourselves, ‘Why are they holding him so long?’ ”

    Her husband, Sakib, was released today after being detained in Yugoslavia along with 210 other Bosnian Muslims.

    They escaped Bosnian Serb forces by fleeing to Yugoslavia, where they were taken prisoner and held for more than eight months. They were the largest group of prisoners from the war known to remain in captivity so long after the peace accords. But the question of why the release came so late brought so many conflicting answers that the truth was lost.

    The captivity that ended today in the slowly warming Balkan spring began last July in the panic that followed the fall of the United Nations “safe area” of Zepa to the Bosnian Serbs. The people there knew about the massacres of the men of Srebrenica, another designated safe area that was overrun two weeks earlier.

    So to avoid the Bosnian Serb forces to their west, about 800 of the men and boys of Zepa fled east. They crossed the Drina River to Yugoslavia, where they were split between two detention camps.

    An official with the International Committee of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia said, “We did not forget about them, but there was a war going on and everything is complicated in a war.”

    The complications were such that for two months all 800 men were in camps where conditions were “horrible and shameful,” one Red Cross worker said. Many of the men said today that they had tried to return to Bosnia but that United Nations officials had refused their requests.

    Their case was the responsibility of the Belgrade office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The head of that office, Margaret O’Keeffe, said today that the initial intention was to get other countries to take the men because most were afraid to go home.

    She said that because they had fled Bosnia, they would be seen as traitors if they returned. “Because of their anxiety, the possibility of going to Bosnia did not arise,” she said.

    But those returning to Bosnia today disputed that. “We had defended our homes, and had to go to Yugoslavia to save our lives,” said Nadjed Cesko. “Why should we be afraid?”

    Ismet Sehic recalled, “The U.N. said: ‘Don’t even mention Bosnia. There’s no way to get you to Bosnia.’ ”

    In September the first men were released to other countries. The United States and other countries eventually took more than 500. But this was complicated too, a refugee official said, because the countries would often promise to take some men, then be slow to actually accept them.

    “We worked and worked to get them a place to go, but you know how these diplomatic things are easily sidetracked,” the official said.

    In December, the Dayton agreement was signed and the war stopped. Subsequently, prisoners were slowly being released by all sides. Hundreds of the men who had gone to other countries had left there and returned to Bosnia, but the men released today were still prisoners.

    Their families, driven out of Zepa, had become refugees within their own country. Relief agencies tracked the families to their new addresses, and prisoners like Mr. Rizvic were reunited with their families in houses that had never been their homes.

    “Ask the Serbs why the men were not freed,” said Amir Hadziomeragic, the Bosnian Minister for Relations with the United Nations. “They kept them to pressure us, to get us to give them something in return.”

    He also suggested that the United Nations efforts had been slowed by fighting between refugee officials in Belgrade and Sarajevo.

    A United Nations refugee official based in Sarajevo said the Bosnian Government had moved unreasonably slowly. “They didn’t even send a real delegation to Yugoslavia until last month,”he said.

    After the Bosnian Government passed an amnesty law three months ago, United Nations officials considered it safe for the men to return.

    But, Mrs. O’Keeffe said, it was difficult to find a way to get them home. The officials decided not to move the men by air because they considered the Sarajevo airport dangerous, though it is used daily by NATO planes.

    They tried to get permission to take the men by bus via Croatia, but Croatia refused. Then Hungary would not give them visas.

    Each request took time, Mrs. O’Keeffe said. “The Serbs were not delaying things,” she said. But getting the men home “was a process of many long steps.”

    Finally, after three months, the United Nations just sent buses to the camp and brought the men straight to Bosnia, about a four-hour drive.

    There were two further complications. First, the Yugoslav police kept 13 of the men, saying that after eight months the authorities needed additional time to investigate them in connection with war crimes.

    Then, just before the men were to transfer from Yugoslav to Bosnian buses that would take them to their new homes, they came across a new bridge they could not cross. It was built last week by Hungarian soldiers under the supervision of the United States Army, but its incline was too sharp for the buses.

    The men had to get off and walk the last mile of their journey.

    Photo: Bosnian Muslims just released from detention in Yugoslavialooked for their families yesterday in Kalesija, Bosnia, one stop on the way home. (Agence France-Presse)
    http://www.nytimes.com/1996/04/11/world/211-bosnians-free-after-8-months-why-so-long.html

    So here we are. The evil, evil Serbs have released hundrets of muslim prisoners instead of killing them.
28. Rince says:

    May 15, 2010 at 2:47 pm

    Now lets take a look at what other muslim-witnesses have to say about the “serbian-crimes”, then we realize how “true” the story of Mr. Nesib Mandzic must be:

    “A small number of witnesses say that this group was taken by lorry and bus to one or two execution spots on July 14, in the vicinity of the village of Karakaj, close to Zvornik. They talk about mass murders with two thousand or more victims.

    How credible is their charge? One of them is 25-year-old soldier Mevludin Oric, born in a town not far from Srebrenica. Though asked by The Hague tribunal to refrain from public appearances, he gave an exclusive interview last October to the Croatian magazine ‘Nedjeljna Dalmacija’...

    “Oric, who said ‘My father has disappeared, my four brothers-in-law and many of my cousins have been murdered,’ has turned out to be a relative of Naser Oric, Commander of [Islamist forces in] Srebrenica and accused by Serbs of war crimes (‘the Beast of Bosnia’) and against whom the tribunal is preparing an indictment.

    [And according to another report:]

    “Mevludin Oric left as a volunteer to Croatia in January 1992, getting military training there. He…ended up as a member of the infamous Croatian volunteer brigade ‘King Tomislav’ in Herzegovina, where he helped with the occupation of the barracks at Capljina (which later became a POW camp for Serbs). After a short holiday in Croatia, Oric crossed the Sava River, together with other volunteers, to fight the ‘Chetniks’ [name used for Serb soldiers by the Muslims and Croats, meant to be derogatory] in the town of Orasje. It is in this area, the Posavina, that the first mass murder took place – and the war hadn’t even started. Its victims were not Croats or Muslims, but Serbs.” (Sijekovac, March 27, 1992).

    Volunteers like Oric formed the core of the military police of the HVO [the paramilitary Croatian Council of Defence] and took care of “supplies” for the elaborate system of Muslim-Croat prison camps that was created in this area.

    When Oric learned about the fighting around Srebrenica, he decided to return to his native soil. In the interview, he claims to have served as a “commander of a sabotage unit.” He knew the area around the town like no one else and the night before the exodus of the Muslims he already knew that “no more than half of us would make it.”

    Oric left in the rearguard of the column that stretched for miles. He was captured near Kravica and claims the Serbs took him via Bratunac to a school gymnasium in the town of Glumina, west of Zvornik. From there, the men were supposedly transported in lorries to the site of execution. And yet Oric can still talk about it, just like 55-year-old Hurem Suljic, 63-year-old Smail Hodzic and a seventeen-year-old boy named Nedzad Avdic.

    Oric’s personal history is reason enough for doubt, but the inconsistencies in the accounts of Smail Hodzic and Hurem Suljic are obvious as well.

    Smail Hodzic: A basketball stadium becomes a soccer stadium becomes a school

    Hodzic Story 1: Hodzic first said he witnessed ambushes by the Serbs on the road to Zvornik. He was captured and then moved to a “basketball stadium near Bratunac” and subsequently taken to the execution spot, “a large field not far from a forest,” he declared to Alexandra Stiglmayer in Die Woche of July 28.

    Hodzic Story 2: Soon thereafter, Hodzic told Roy Gutman (in Die Tageszeitung of August 11), that he was held at the “soccer stadium in Nova Kasaba,” from where he and others were moved to be killed, “probably in a town called Grbavce.”

    Hodzic Story 3: In the third version, told on October 4 to Aida Cerkez of Associated Press, Hodzic went through the same experience as Oric, Suljic and Avdic. Now he was taken to “a school in Krizevci” and the executions now took place not far from Karakaj.

    Hurem Suljic: Murder in a school becomes beatings in a department store

    Murders were committed at this school according to Suljic as well. On February 16 of that year, he spoke on BBC Newsnight. Footage of a not specified “school near Karakaj” indeed showed bullet holes, one in the ceiling and one at the toilet. But in the elaborate coverage of Suljic in ‘The Washington Post’ of 6 November 1995, there isn’t a word about executions in a school; there is mention of beatings in a department store near Bratunac, a location where Suljic supposedly was kept prisoner.”

    http://www.emperors-clothes.com/analysis/falsely.htm

    So this is how the Haque is trying to proof serbian “Attrocities”. They simply use such liars because they dont have any proofes. They have allready tried se same with the notorious croatian liar Drazen Erdemovic.
29. Rince says:

    May 15, 2010 at 2:52 pm

    Lets continue with the Erdemovic lies:

    The Crown Witness at The Hague
    From the desk of John Laughland on Sat, 2009-05-02 08:27

    In 1993, a year after the war in Bosnia broke out, the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina lodged an appeal with the International Court of Justice against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, alleging that the country was committing genocide against it. The wheels of international justice turn slowly, especially at the ICJ (an arbitration court with no coercive power and little competence in international criminal law) and the ruling was not handed down until February 2007. It found against Bosnia and in favour of Serbia on almost every single count, especially on the central charge that Yugoslavia had somehow controlled the Bosnian Serbs.

    The ICJ ruling also systematically dismissed the Bosnian Muslims’ claims that Bosnian Serb forces were trying to wipe them out as a nation. The Bosnians adduced a massive amount of material from the grisly to the ridiculous. Some of this material has since been found to be untrue, such as a the famous claim that a Bosnian Serb camp guard forced one Muslim inmate to bite off another inmate’s testicles; other claims were always absurd, such as that genocide was demonstrated when Bosnian Serb soldiers caused “mental harm” to Muslims by forcing them to make the sign of the cross.

    But even where the Court found that abuses had occurred, it did not classify them as genocide – with one famous exception. Along the hundreds of pages of claims about genocide allegedly perpetrated over many years by the Bosnian Muslims in 1993 (they submitted new claims in 1996) only the massacre at Srebrenica in July 1995 is left standing. It and it alone has been classified as genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and consequently by the ICJ too (which simply follows the ICTY’s rulings).

    But what is the evidence for the finding that genocide was committed at Srebrenica? I am not asking this question in the useful sense in which it has been asked (and answered) by investigators such as Jonathan Rooper. I am asking what evidence was submitted in court at the ICTY in support of this uniquely successful claim.

    Germinal Civikov is a native of Bulgaria who lives in The Hague and Cologne. His book, “Srebrenica: Der Kronzeuge” (Wien: Promedia, 2009) is written in a limpid and often humorous style. Its findings are devastating. Civikov explains that the ICTY ruling that genocide was committed at Srebrenica on the orders of the Bosnian Serb leadership is based on the testimony of a single witness, a self-confessed perpetrator of one of the massacres called Drazen Erdemovic. Civikov’s discussion of the “crown witness” and his evidence reads like a detective thriller: in fact, it should be made into a film.

    Erdemovic originally surfaced in 1996 after he had been arrested in Yugoslavia for war crimes. He contacted the Prosecutor in The Hague because he believed that he would be given immunity from prosecution in return for evidence. Transferred to The Hague, he was himself charged with crimes against humanity, to which he pleaded guilty having admitted taking part in a massacre of 1,200 Muslim civilians of which personally killed about 100. For this act of mass murder, Erdemovic was given a 10 year prison sentence by the ICTY, reduced to 5 years on appeal because he had cooperated so well with the Prosecutor. But there was never any trial because he pleaded guilty and so he was never cross-examined. He was released from prison shortly after his conviction, since he was considered to have served most of his sentence already, and he now lives with a protected identity in a North West European country. This mass murderer could well be your neighbour.

    Civikov’s interest in the case was aroused when he started to reflect on the veracity of Erdemovic’s testimony. The prisoners, he claimed, were shot in groups of 10. They were bussed in, taken off the busses, marched to the execution spot in a field several hundred metres away, frisked for their possessions, and shot. Arguments broke out between the executioners and the victims; the executioners drank and quarrelled; there were some moving scenes such as when Erdemovic tried to save an old man but eventually had to kill him like the others. Quite simply, Civikov reasoned, it is not possible to kill 1,200 people this way in 5 hours unless one assumes that each group of 10 men was killed in 2.5 minutes. Even if it had taken only 10 minutes to kill each group, itself an achievement, it would instead have taken some 20 hours to kill so many people. If you do the maths you will see that he is right.

    Throughout the thirteen years since Erdemovic has been telling his story in four different trials, not one of the ICTY judges ever did this simple calculation or questioned the veracity of his account. Instead, Erdemovic was summoned back again and again from his new life to tell his story. On several occasions, he named his seven co-perpetrators. At one of the earlier hearings, a judge asked the Prosecutor whether these other men were going to be apprehended and he was told that they would be. But not only has the Office of the Prosecutor never tried to arrest or even question these men, one of them (the unit commander) lives in Belgrade and had given interviews to the Serbian press while another was arrested on a different matter in the United States without any extradition request ever being made against him by The Hague. It is as if the Prosecution is determined to prevent anyone else from giving his account of events.

    Apart from the admission about the massacre, the key point about Erdemovic’s testimony is that he alleges that his unit acted on orders from the Bosnian Serb leadership. Yet as Civikov shows with excruciating attention to detail, Erdemovic’s own statements about the command structure in his little platoon are self-contradictory and untrue. He claims that he was forced to commit this massacre and that the orders came from one of his co-perpetrators, Brano Gojkovic. But as Civikov shows, and as even the Prosecution at one point had to admit, this Gojkovic was an ordinary soldier who could not give orders to anyone. Instead, as Civikov also demonstrates, it turns out that Erdemovic himself was a sergeant (he lied to the contrary in Court, claiming that he had been stripped of his rank) while another of the perpetrators was a lieutenant. It is obviously impossible for a private to give orders to two officers and other soldiers to commit war crimes. But if this evidence is faulty, then how valuable is Erdemovic’s claim that Gojkovic’s orders came from the Bosnian Serb HQ in Pale?

    Erdemovic has presented himself, including in the media, as a pathetic victim of the Bosnian war. He did what he did because he had to. A sort of novel has even been written about him, as have newspaper articles, in which he is elevated to the status of a holy fool. Civikov wades through years of evidence, spanning a decade, to show that in fact Erdemovic is a pathological liar, as well as a callous murderer. He was not a conscripted soldier who was forced to fight, but instead a mercenary who fought on all three sides in the Bosnian civil war. He was not forced, on pain of death, to commit the massacre, as he claimed in court. On the contrary, Civikov shows that his unit was on leave when the massacre was committed. He was not the victim of a later murder attempt to prevent him from testifying, as he also said in court, but instead a criminal and a thug who quarrelled over money with his fellow murderers and who, by his own admission, is prone to blind fits of violence and anger. During his time in the other Bosnian armies (Croat and Muslim) he had evidently been an unscrupulous war profiteer who extracted money from people in return for their safe passage.

    Civikov has convinced me that the following is what really happened. Erdemovic belonged to a mercenary unit which was on leave after the fall of Srebrenica. On 15 July 1995, someone evidently offered him and some other mercenaries on leave a lot of money (gold, in fact) to commit a war crime, in this case a massacre of prisoners. In other words, the Bosnian Serb authorities had nothing to do with it – and hence the ludicrous story about the private giving orders. (Perhaps he was the one with the cash.) The mercenaries then hijacked busses of prisoners which were on their way to be exchanged by the Bosnian Serb authorities – to the horror of the unsuspecting bus drivers, and of course of the prisoners themselves – and murdered them. A few days later, there was a fight in a bar over the money and the former comrades starting shooting at each other: Erdemovic was hit in the stomach and later sentimentalised the scar in Court by lifting up his shirt to claim that they had tried to kill him to prevent him from testifying. Escaping from this situation by fleeing into Yugoslavia, he was unexpectedly arrested by the Yugoslav authorities from whom he managed to escape by securing his transfer to The Hague, where his self-interest in receiving a light sentence, coupled with his ability to spin yarns, made him a perfect Prosecution witness. The Prosecution won out on the deal because it gained “proof” of both genocide and command responsibility – which enabled it to go after the “big fish” like Karadzic and Mladic in headline prosecutions – while Erdemovic won out too because he has not only been let off for mass murder, but has also been given a new life, a house and presumably some sort of income. This, I repeat, is the witness on whose evidence alone the finding of genocide at the ICTY is based.

    Outstanding questions remain. Who offered the mercenaries money and why? Civikov’s book is scrupulously rooted in documentary evidence and there is no documentary evidence to support a clear answer to this question. However, there are speculations and Civikov discusses them. As Milosevic said during his own gripping cross-examination of Erdemovic – gripping because, whenever he started to get close to the truth, Judge Richard May intervened to prevent him from pursuing his line of questioning – there were reports in Serbia of a rogue French secret service unit operating on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and later involved in a plot to overthrow him, known as “Operation Spider”. There had also been reports that these people had been present at Srebrenica. The West, it is implied, “needed” a big atrocity at Srebrenica, and it was indeed immediately following the fall of that town – and thanks largely to pressure exerted by the French president, Jacques Chirac, who took the lead on the matter – that NATO intervened and bought an end to the Bosnian war. As it bombed Bosnian Serb targets, the Americans helped Croatia to launch “Operation Storm” in which over a quarter of a million Serbs were driven out of the Krajina. Defeated and marginalised as war criminals, the Bosnian Serb leaders were barred from attending the peace conference at Dayton, where a deal was imposed by the Americans.

    Funnily enough, evidence seems to have just emerged that the Croatian authorities manufactured a pretext for Operation Storm. Is it true? Did the same thing happen with Srebrenica? One thing is sure: manufacturing pretexts for military action is the oldest trick in the book. Please read Civikov’s book if you can read German: it is brilliant.

    John Laughland is Director of Studies at the Institute of Democracy and Cooperation in Paris.

    http://www.brusselsjournal.com/node/3894

    And you Mr. Beits are trying to proof that the serbian people is second class people with lies of such people? Embarassing.
30. Rince says:

    May 15, 2010 at 3:03 pm

    Dutch General Hans Couzy wrote in his book “Min jaren als bevelshebber“ (Amsterdam 1996), that there was abolutely no genocide and that the serbian army has treated the muslim civilians correctly.
31. Tomo says:

    May 15, 2010 at 3:09 pm

    Very soon, the world, probably not accidentally, forgot and disregarded the statement given on 25 July 1995 by the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Henry Villand, who for five days interviewed with a team of experts a large number of refugees (over 20,000 of them at Tuzla airport). On that occasion, he gave a statement to London’s newspaper “The Daily Telegraph”: “We have not found anybody eye witnessing the crimes”. It was not just a single estimate. In the book written by Jürgen Elsässer, “War Lies”, we can find a few testimonies of Dutch soldiers concerning the behavior of the Serbs at that time. Karel Mulder says: “A lot of things said about the Serbs are out of mind… I was among the refugees for three days, and the Serbs treated them well”. “Objective” and “independent” interpreters of the events in Srebrenica in July 1995 does mention that at all.
32. Mike says:

    May 15, 2010 at 5:13 pm

    Tomo ;ovo je zatebe
    Istinu o srpskom GENOCIDU je neupobitna i uzalud pokusavate izokrenuti stvari
    Obnovljenom tuzbom RBiH protiv YU za genocid i opred toga sto je Karla Delponte unistila i sakrila mnoge dokaze izaci ce ne vidjelo jos mnoge gore stvari i dokazi da je YU ucestvovala u GENOCIDU nad Muslimanima i Hrvatima i ostalim nesrbima u RBiH

    http://www.ljiljan.ba/bs/vijesti/osama-bin-laden/osama-bin-laden-sara%C4%91ivao-sa-biv%C5%A1om-jna
    U SDPR-ovoj “Zabelešci o razgovoru sa strancima”, stoji, kako su 25. lipnja 1986.u njihove prostorije nenajavljeno stigla tri stranca u pratnji Jugoslavenki Zorice Ridješić i Milice Karadžoglu udane za Turčina, te predstavnika “Genexa” Aleksandra Markovića.

    Zainteresiranost prvog čovjeka Al-Qa’ide za ove naše prostore, naime, proteže se još od vremena bivše Jugoslavije. Da je to tako, potvrđuje i dokument SDPR-a (jugoslavenske Savezne direkcije za promet roba) iz 1986. u posjedu Večernjeg lista, u kojem se pod naznakom “Vojna tajna!” i “Strogo poverljivo!” potanko opisuje nimalo turistički boravak, tada 29-godišnjeg Osame bin Ladena u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. U SDPR-ovoj “Zabelešci o razgovoru sa strancima”, stoji, kako su 25. lipnja 1986.u njihove prostorije nenajavljeno stigla tri stranca u pratnji Jugoslavenki Zorice Ridješić i Milice Karadžoglu udane za Turčina, te predstavnika “Genexa” Aleksandra Markovića.
    Po naređenju pukovnika Stankovića, navodi SDPR, nenajavljenu svitu su uz instrukcije da ih saslušaju primili potpukovnik Z. Jovanović i B. Jurišić. Trojica stranaca u “Zabelešci” su imenovana kao Fathi Mohamed Ali, funkcionar u pokretu otpora Afganistana protiv SSSR-a, Osman Kaldirim, turski državljanin koji živi u SAD-u i Osama bin Laden, državljanin Saudijske Arabije, a kao razlog njihova posjeta, navodi se, zainteresiranost za kupnju šireg asortimana modernog oružja s kojim bi se lakše suprotstavili moćnoj sovjetskoj sili u Afganistanu.

    Iako je u “Zabelešci” spomenuto kako je trojac po oružje u Jugoslaviju došao zbog njezine javne osude okupacije Afganistana, ponuđenih 100 milijuna dolara u gotovini, ipak je ubrzalo pregovore, te je Bin Laden nakon samo nekoliko dana pregovora u zagrebačkoj podružnici Beobanke, otišao u Beograd gdje je od jugoslavenskih vojnih časnika tražio potporu u borbi protiv Sovjeta u Afganistanu, nakon toga i u tvornicu oružja u Čapljinui u kojoj je pokušao dogovoriti nabavuiti bojnih otrova, koje je tadašnja JNA proizvodila i u Potocima kod Mostara. e otrove. Po tvrdnjama vojnog obavještajca iz tog vremena, ta mu je želja bila uskraćena, zato što je stav Jugoslavije bio da se bojni otrovi prodaju isključivo državama, a ne organizacijama i pokretima.

    http://www.ljiljan.ba/bs/vijesti/transparency-international-najavio-tu%C5%BEbu-protiv-dodika
33. Tomo says:

    May 15, 2010 at 6:10 pm

    Mike: Ovo je za tebe:

    Clinton-Approved Iranian Arms Transfers Help Turn Bosnia into Militant Islamic Base

    Congressional Press Release, US Congress, 16 January 1997 Posted at globalresearch.ca 21 September 2001
    Help Turn Bosnia into Militant Islamic Base ”’There is no question that the policy of getting arms into Bosnia was of great assistance in allowing the Iranians to dig in and create good relations with the Bosnian government,’ a senior CIA officer told Congress in a classified deposition. ‘And it is a thing we will live to regret because when they blow up some Americans, as they no doubt will before this … thing is over, it will be in part because the Iranians were able to have the time and contacts to establish themselves well in Bosnia.”’ “Iran Gave Bosnia Leader $ [“Iran Gave Bosnia Leader $ 500,000, CIA Alleges: Classified Report Says Izetbegovic Has Been ‘Co-Opted,’ Contradicting U.S. Public Assertion of Rift,” Los Angeles Times, 12/31/96. Ellipses in original. Alija Izetbegovic is the Muslim president of Bosnia.] ”’If you read President Izetbegovk’s writings, as I have, there is no doubt that he is an Islamic fundamentalist,’ said a senior Western diplomat with long experience in the region. ‘He is a very nice fundamentalist, but he is still a fundamentalist. This has not changed. His goal is to establish a Muslim state in Bosnia, and the Serbs and Croats understand this better than the rest of us.”’ [“Bosnian Leader Hails Islam at Election Rallies,” New York Times, 9/2/96]

    Introduction and Summary

    In late 1995, President Bill Clinton dispatched some 20,000 U.S. troops to Bosnia-Hercegovina as part of a NATO-led “implementation force” (IFOR) to ensure that the warning Muslim, Serbian, and Croatian factions complied with provisions of the Dayton peace plan. [NOTE: This paper assumes the reader is acquainted with the basic facts of the Bosnian war leading to the IFOR deployment. For background, see RPC’s “Clinton Administration Ready to Send U.S. Troops to Bosnia, “9/28/95,” and Legislative Notice No. 60, “Senate to Consider Several Resolutions on Bosnia,” 12/12/95] Through statements by Administration spokesmen, notably Defense Secretary Perry and Joint Chiefs Chairman General Shalikashvili, the president firmly assured Congress and the American people that U S. personnel would be out of Bosnia at the end of one year. Predictably, as soon as the November 1996 election was safely behind him, President Clinton announced that approximately 8,5 00 U.S. troops would be remaining for another 18 months as part of a restructured and scaled down contingent, the “stabilization force” (SFOR), officially established on December 20, 1996.

    SFOR begins its mission in Bosnia under a serious cloud both as to the nature of its mission and the dangers it will face. While IFOR had successfully accomplished its basic military task – separating the factions’ armed forces – there has been very little progress toward other stated goals of the Dayton agreement, including political and economic reintegration of Bosnia, return of refugees to their homes, and apprehension and prosecution of accused war criminals. It is far from certain that the cease-fire that has held through the past year will continue for much longer, in light of such unresolved issues as the status of the cities of Brcko (claimed by Muslims but held by the Serbs) and Mostar (divided between nominal Muslim and Croat allies, both of which are currently being armed by the Clinton Administration). Moreover, at a strength approximately one-third that of its predecessor, SFOR may not be in as strong a position to deter attacks by one or another of the Bosnian factions or to avoid attempts to involve it in renewed fighting: “IFOR forces, despite having suffered few casualties, have been vulnerable to attacks from all of the contending sides over the year of the Dayton mandate. As a second mandate [Dayton mandate. As a second mandate [i.e., SFOR] evolves, presumably maintaining a smaller force on the ground, the deterrent effect which has existed may well become less compelling and vulnerabilities of the troops will increase.” [“Military Security in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Present and Future,” Bulletin of the Atlantic Council of the United States, 12/18/96]

    The Iranian Connection

    Perhaps most threatening to the SFOR mission – and more importantly, to the safety of the American personnel serving in Bosnia – is the unwillingness of the Clinton Administration to come clean with the Congress and with the American people about its complicity in the delivery of weapons from Iran to the Muslim government in Sarajevo. That policy, personally approved by Bill Clinton in April 1994 at the urging of CIA Director-designate (and then-NSC chief) Anthony Lake and the U.S. ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith, has, according to the Los Angeles Times (citing classified intelligence community sources), “played a central role in the dramatic increase in Iranian influence in Bosnia.” Further, according to the Times, in September 1995 National Security Agency analysts contradicted Clinton Administration claims of declining Iranian influence, insisting instead that “Iranian Revolutionary Guard personnel remain active throughout Bosnia.” Likewise, “CIA analysts noted that the Iranian presence was expanding last fall,” with some ostensible cultural and humanitarian activities “known to be fronts” for the Revolutionary Guard and Iran’s intelligence service, known as VEVAK, the Islamic revolutionary successor to the Shah’s SAVAK. [[LAT, 12/31/96] At a time when there is evidence of increased willingness by pro-Iranian Islamic militants to target American assets abroad – as illustrated by the June 1996 car-bombing at the Khobar Towers in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, that killed 19 American airmen, in which the Iranian government or pro-Iranian terrorist organizations are suspected [“U.S. Focuses Bomb Probe on Iran, Saudi Dissident,” Chicago Tribune, 11/4/96] – it is irresponsible in the extreme for the Clinton Administration to gloss over the extent to which its policies have put American personnel in an increasingly vulnerable position while performing an increasingly questionable mission.

    Three Key Issues for Examination

    This paper will examine the Clinton policy of giving the green light to Iranian arms shipments to the Bosnian Muslims, with serious implications for the safety of U.S. troops deployed there. (In addition, RPC will release a general analysis of the SFOR mission and the Clinton Administration’s request for supplemental appropriations to fund it in the near future.) Specifically, the balance of this paper will examine in detail the three issues summarized below:

    The Clinton Green Light to Iranian Arms Shipments (page 3): In April 1995, President Clinton gave the government of Croatia what has been described by Congressional committees as a “green light” for shipments of weapons from Iran and other Muslim countries to the Muslim-led government of Bosnia. The policy was approved at the urging of NSC chief Anthony Lake and the U.S. ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith. The CIA and the Departments of State and Defense were kept in the dark until after the decision was made.
    The Militant Islamic Network (page 5): Along with the weapons, Iranian Revolutionary Guards and VEVAK intelligence operatives entered Bosnia in large numbers, along with thousands of mujahedin (“holy warriors”) from across the Muslim world. Also engaged in the effort were several other Muslim countries (including Brunei, Malaysia, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Turkey) and a number of radical Muslim organizations. For example, the role of one Sudan-based “humanitarian organization,” called the Third World Relief Agency, has been well documented. The Clinton Administration’s “hands-on” involvement with the Islamic network’s arms pipeline included inspections of missiles from Iran by U.S. government officials.
    The Radical Islamic Character of the Sarajevo Regime (page 8): Underlying the Clinton Administration’s misguided green light policy is a complete misreading of its main beneficiary, the Bosnian Muslim government of Alija Izetbegovic. Rather than being the tolerant, multiethnic democratic government it pretends to be, there is clear evidence that the ruling circle of Izetbegovic’s party, the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), has long been guided by the principles of radical Islam. This Islamist orientation is illustrated by profiles of three important officials, including President Izetbegovic himself; the progressive Islamization of the Bosnian army, including creation of native Bosnian mujahedin units; credible claims that major atrocities against civilians in Sarajevo were staged for propaganda purposes by operatives of the Izetbegovic government; and suppression of enemies, both non-Muslim and Muslim.
    The Clinton Green Light to Iranian Arms Shipments

    Both the Senate Intelligence Committee and the House Select Subcommittee to Investigate the United States Role in Iranian Arms Transfers to Croatia and Bosnia issued reports late last year. (The Senate report, dated November 1996, is unclassified. The House report is classified, with the exception of the final section of conclusions, which was released on October 8, 1996; a declassified version of the full report is expected to be released soon.) The reports, consistent with numerous press accounts, confirm that on April 27, 1994, President Clinton directed Ambassador Galbraith to inform the government of Croatia that he had “no instructions” regarding Croatia’s decision whether or not to permit weapons, primarily from Iran, to be transshipped to Bosnia through Croatia. (The purpose was to facilitate the acquisition of arms by the Muslim-led government in Sarajevo despite the arms embargo imposed on Yugoslavia by the U.N. Security Council.) Clinton Administration officials took that course despite their awareness of the source of the weapons and despite the fact that the Croats (who were themselves divided on whether to permit arms deliveries to the Muslims) would take anything short of a U.S. statement that they should not facilitate the flow of Iranian arms to Bosnia as a “green light.”

    The green light policy was decided upon and implemented with unusual secrecy, with the CIA and the Departments of State and Defense only informed after the fact. [“U.S. Had Options to Let Bosnia Get Arms, Avoid Iran,” Los Angeles Times, 7/14/96] Among the key conclusions of the House Subcommittee were the following (taken from the unclassified section released on October 8):

    “The President and the American people were poorly served by the Administration officials who rushed the green light decision without due deliberation. full information and an adequate consideration of the consequences.” (page 202)
    “The Administration’s efforts to keep even senior US officials from seeing its ‘fingerprints’ on the green light policy led to confusion and disarray within the government.” (page 203)
    “The Administration repeatedly deceived the American people about its Iranian green light policy.” (page 204)
    Clinton, Lake, and Galbraith Responsible

    Who is ultimately accountable for the results of his decision – two Clinton Administration officials bear particular responsibility: Ambassador Galbraith and then-NSC Director Anthony Lake, against both of whom the House of Representatives has referred criminal charges to the Justice Department. Mr. Lake, who personally presented the proposal to Bill Clinton for approval, played a central role in preventing the responsible congressional committees from knowing about the Administration’s fateful decision to acquiesce in radical Islamic Iran’s effort to penetrate the European continent through arms shipments and military cooperation with the Bosnian government.” [”’In Lake We Trust’? Confirmation Make-Over Exacerbates Senate Concerns About D.C.I.-Desipate’s Candor, Reliability,” Center for Security Policy, Washington, D.C., 1/8/97] His responsibility for the operation is certain to be a major hurdle in his effort to be confirmed as CIA Director: “The fact that Lake was one of the authors of the duplicitous policy in Bosnia, which is very controversial and which has probably helped strengthen the hand of the Iranians, doesn’t play well,” stated Senate Intelligence Chairman Richard Shelby. [“Lake to be asked about donation,” Washington Times, 1/2/97]

    For his part, Ambassador Galbraith was the key person both in conceiving the policy and in serving as the link between the Clinton Administration and the Croatian government; he also met with Imam Sevko Omerbasic, the top Muslim cleric in Croatia, “who the CIA says was an intermediary for Iran.” [“Fingerprints: Arms to Bosnia, the real story,” The New Republic, 10/28/96; see also LAT 12/23/96] As the House Subcommittee concluded (page 206): “There is evidence that Ambassador Galbraith may have engaged in activities that could be characterized as unauthorized covert action.” The Senate Committee (pages 19 and 20 of the report) was unable to agree on the specific legal issue of whether Galbraith’s actions constituted a “covert action” within the definition of section 503(e) of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. Sec. 413(e)), as amended, defined as “an activity or activities … to influence political, economic, or military conditions abroad, where it is intended that the role of the United States Government will not be apparent or acknowledged publicly.”

    The Militant Islamic Network

    The House Subcommittee report also concluded (page 2): “The Administration’s Iranian green light policy gave Iran an unprecedented foothold in Europe and has recklessly endangered American lives and US strategic interests.” Further – ” ... The Iranian presence and influence [” ... The Iranian presence and influence [in Bosnia] jumped radically in the months following the green light. Iranian elements infiltrated the Bosnian government and established close ties with the current leadership in Bosnia and the next generation of leaders. Iranian Revolutionary Guards accompanied Iranian weapons into Bosnia and soon were integrated in the Bosnian military structure from top to bottom as well as operating in independent units throughout Bosnia. The Iranian intelligence service [intelligence service [VEVAK] ran wild through the area developing intelligence networks, setting up terrorist support systems, recruiting terrorist ‘sleeper’ agents and agents of influence, and insinuating itself with the Bosnian political leadership to a remarkable degree. The Iranians effectively annexed large portions of the Bosnian security apparatus [known as the Agency for Information and Documentation (AID)] to act as their intelligence and terrorist surrogates. This extended to the point of jointly planning terrorist activities. The Iranian embassy became the largest in Bosnia and its officers were given unparalleled privileges and access at every level of the Bosnian government.” (page 201)

    Not Just the Iranians

    To understand how the Clinton green light would lead to this degree of Iranian influence, it is necessary to remember that the policy was adopted in the context of extensive and growing radical Islamic activity in Bosnia. That is, the Iranians and other Muslim militants had long been active in Bosnia; the American green light was an important political signal to both Sarajevo and the militants that the United States was unable or unwilling to present an obstacle to those activities – and, to a certain extent, was willing to cooperate with them. In short, the Clinton Administration’s policy of facilitating the delivery of arms to the Bosnian Muslims made it the de facto partner of an ongoing international network of governments and organizations pursuing their own agenda in Bosnia: the promotion of Islamic revolution in Europe. That network involves not only Iran but Brunei, Malaysia, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan (a key ally of Iran), and Turkey, together with front groups supposedly pursuing humanitarian and cultural activities.

    For example, one such group about which details have come to light is the Third World Relief Agency (TWRA), a Sudan-based, phoney humanitarian organization which has been a major link in the arms pipeline to Bosnia. [“How Bosnia’s Muslims Dodged Arms Embargo: Relief Agency Brokered Aid From Nations, Radical Groups,” Washington Post, 9/22/96; see also “Saudis Funded Weapons For Bosnia, Official Says: $ 300 Million Program Had U.S. ‘Stealth Cooperation’,” Washington Post, 2/2/96] TWA is believed to be connected with such fixtures of the Islamic terror network as Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman (the convicted mastermind behind the 1993 World Trade Center bombing) and Osama Binladen, a wealthy Saudi emigre believed to bankroll numerous militant groups. [WP, 9/22/96] (Sheik Rahman, a native of Egypt, is currently in prison in the United States; letter bombs addressed to targets in Washington and London, apparently from Alexandria, Egypt, are believed connected with his case. Binladen was a resident in Khartoum, Sudan, until last year; he is now believed to be in Afghanistan, “where he has issued statements calling for attacks on U.S. forces in the Persian Gulf.” [on U.S. forces in the Persian Gulf.” [WP, 9/22/96])

    The Clinton Administration ’s “Hands-On ” Help

    The extent to which Clinton Administration officials, notably Ambassador Galbraith, knowingly or negligently, cooperated with the efforts of such front organizations is unclear. For example, according to one intelligence account seen by an unnamed U.S. official in the Balkans, “Galbraith ‘talked with representatives of Muslim countries on payment for arms that would be sent to Bosnia,’ ... [would be sent to Bosnia,’ ... [T]he dollar amount mentioned in the report was $ 500 million-$ 800 million. The U.S. official said he also saw subsequent ‘operational reports’ in 1995 on almost weekly arms shipments of automatic weapons, rocket-propelled grenade launchers, anti-armor rockets and TOW missiles.” [TNR, 10/28/96] The United States played a disturbingly “hands-on” role, with, according to the Senate report (page 19), U.S. government personnel twice conducting inspections in Croatia of missiles en route to Bosnia. Further—“The U.S. decision to send personnel to Croatia to inspect rockets bound for Bosnia is … subject to varying interpretations. It may have been simply a straightforward effort to determine whether chemical weapons were being shipped into Bosnia. It was certainly, at least in part, an opportunity to examine a rocket in which the United States had some interest. But it may also have been designed to ensure that Croatia would not shut down the pipeline.” (page 21)

    The account in The New Republic points sharply to the latter explanation: “Enraged at Iran’s apparent attempt to slip super weapons past Croat monitors, the Croatian defense minister nonetheless sent the missiles on to Bosnia ‘just as Peter [i.e., Ambassador Galbraith] told us to do,’ sources familiar with the episode said.” [episode said.” [TNR, 10/28/96] In short, the Clinton Administration’s connection with the various players that made up the arms network seems to have been direct and intimate.

    The Mujahedin Threat

    In addition to (and working closely with) the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and VEVAK intelligence are members of numerous radical groups known for their anti-Western orientation, along with thousands of volunteer mujahedin (“holy warriors”) from across the Islamic world. From the beginning of the NATO- led deployment, the Clinton Administration has given insufficient weight to military concerns regarding the mujahedin presence in Bosnia as well as the danger they pose to American personnel. Many of the fighters are concentrated in the so-called “green triangle” (the color green symbolizes Islam) centered on the town of Zenica in the American IFOR/SFOR zone but are also found throughout the country.

    The Clinton Administration has been willing to accept Sarajevo’s transparently false assurances of the departure of the foreign fighters based on the contention that they have married Bosnian women and have acquired Bosnian citizenship—- and thus are no longer “foreign”! or, having left overt military units to join “humanitarian,” “cultural,” or “charitable” organizations, are no longer “fighters.” [See “Foreign Muslims Fighting in Bosnia Considered ‘Threat’ to U.S. Troops,” Washington Post, 11/30/95; “Outsiders Bring Islamic Fervor To the Balkans,” New York Times, 9/23/96; “Islamic Alien Fighters Settle in Bosnia,” Pittsburgh PostGazette, 9/23/96; “Mujahideen rule Bosnian villages: Threaten NATO forces, non-Muslims,” Washington Times, 9/23/96; and Yossef Bodansky, Offensive in the Balkans (November 1995) and Some Call It Peace (August 1996), International Media Corporation, Ltd., London. Bodansky, an analyst with the House Republican Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, is an internationally recognized authority on Islamic terrorism.] The methods employed to qualify for Bosnian citizenship are themselves problematic: “Islamic militants from Iran and other foreign countries are employing techniques such as forced marriages, kidnappings and the occupation of apartments and houses to remain in Bosnia in violation of the Dayton peace accord and may be a threat to U.S. forces.” [“Mujaheddin Remaining in Bosnia: Islamic Militants Strongarm Civilians, Defy Dayton Plan,” Washington Post, 7/8/96]

    The threat presented by the mujahedin to IFOR (and now, to SFOR) – contingent only upon the precise time their commanders in Tehran or Sarajevo should choose to activate them has been evident from the beginning of the NATO-led deployment. For example, in February 1996 NATO forces raided a terrorist training camp near the town of Fojnica, taking into custody 11 men (8 Bosnian citizens – two of whom may have been naturalized foreign mujahedin and three Iranian instructors); also seized were explosives “built into small children’s plastic toys, including a car, a helicopter and an ice cream cone,” plus other weapons such as handguns, sniper rifles, grenade launchers, etc. The Sarajevo government denounced the raid, claiming the facility was an “intelligence service school”; the detainees were released promptly after NATO turned them over to local authorities. [“NATO Captures Terrorist Training Camp, Claims Iranian Involvement,” Associated Press, 2/16/96; “Bosnian government denies camp was for terrorists,” Reuters, 2/16/96; Bodansky Some Call It Peace, page 56] In May 1996, a previously unknown group called “Bosnian Islamic Jihad” (Jihad means “holy war”,) threatened attacks on NATO troops by suicide bombers, similar to those that had recently been launched in Israel. [“Jihad Threat in Bosnia Alarms NATO,” The European, 5/9/96]

    Stepping-Stone to Europe

    The intended targets of the mujahedin network in Bosnia are not limited to that country but extend to Western Europe. For example, in August 1995, the conservative Paris daily Le Figaro reported that French security services believe that ,Islamic fundamentalists from Algeria have set up a security network across Europe with fighters trained in Afghan gerrilla camps and [[in] southern France while some have been tested in Bosnia.” [[(London) Daily Telegraph, 8/17/95] Also, in April 1996, Beligan security arrested a number of Islamic militants, including two native Bosnians, smuggling weapons to Algerian guerrillas active in France. [in France. [Intelligence Newsletter, Paris, 5/9/96 (No. 287)] Finally, also in April 1996, a meeting of radicals aligned with HizbAllah (“Party of God”), a pro-Iran group based in Lebanon, set plans for stepping up attacks on U.S. assets on all continents; among those participating was an Egyptian, Ayman al- Zawahiri, who “runs the Islamist terrorist operations in Bosnia- Herzegovina from a special headquarters in Sofa, Bulgaria. His forces are already deployed throughout Bosnia, ready to attack US and other I-FOR (NATO Implementation Force) targets.” [“States- Sponsored Terrorism and The Rise of the HizbAllah International,” Defense and Foreign Affairs and Strategic Policy, London, 8/31/96 Finally, in December 1996, French and Belgain security arrested several would-be terrorists trained at Iranian-run camps in Bosnia.[“Terrorism: The Bosnian Connection,” (Paris) L’Express, 12/26/96]

    The Radical Islamic Character of the Sarajevo Regime

    Underlying the Clinton Administration’s misguided policy toward Iranian influence in Bosnia is a fundamental misreading of the true nature of the Muslim regime that benefited from the Iran/Bosnia arms policy. “The most dubious of all Bosniac [i.e., Bosnian Muslim] claims pertains to the self-serving commercial that the government hopes to eventually establish a multiethnic liberal democratic society. Such ideals may appeal to a few members of Bosnia’s ruling circles as well as to a generally secular populace, but President Izethbegovic and his cabal appear to harbor much different private intentions and goals.” [“Selling the Bosnia Myth to America: Buyer Beware,” Lieutenant Colonel John E. Sray, USA, U.S. Army Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS, October 1995]

    The evidence that the leadership of the ruling Party of Democratic Action (SDA), and consequently, the Sarajevo-based government, has long been motivated by the principles of radical Islam is inescapable. The following three profiles are instructive:

    Alija Izetbegovic: Alija Izetbegovic, current Bosnian president and head of the SDA, in 1970 authored the radical “Islamic Declaration,” which calls for “the Islamic movement” to start to take power as soon as it can Overturn “the existing non- Muslim government…[Muslim government…[and] build up a new Islamic one,” to destroy non-Islamic institutions (“There can be neither peace nor coexistence between the Islamic religion and non-Islamic social institutions’), and to create an international federation of Islamic states. [The Islamic Declaration: A Programme for the Islamization of Muslims and the Muslim Peoples, Sarajevo, in English, 19901 Izetbegovic’s radical pro-Iran associations go back decades: “At the center of the Iranian system in Europe is Bosnia-Hercegovina.” President, Alija Izetbegovic, . . . who is committed to the establishment Of an Islamic Republic in Bosnia- Hercegovina.” [“Iran’s European Springboard?”, House Republican Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, 9/1/92 The Task Force report further describes Izetbegovic’s contacts with Iran and Libya in 1991, before the Bosnian war began; he is also noted as a “fundamentalist Muslim” and a member of the “Fedayeen of Islam” organization, an Iran-based radical group dating to the 1930s and which by the late 1960s had recognized the leadership of the Ayatollah Khomeini (then in exile from the Shah). Following Khomeini’s accession to power in 1979, Izetbegovic stepped-up his efforts to establish Islamic power in Bosnia and was jailed by the communists in 1983. Today, he is open and unapologetic about his links to Iran: “Perhaps the most telling detail of the [detail of the [SDA’s September 1, 1996] campaign rally … was the presence of the Iranian Ambassador and his Bosnian and Iranian bodyguards, who sat in the shadow of the huge birchwood platform…. As the only foreign diplomat [platform…. As the only foreign diplomat [present], indeed the only foreigner traveling in the President’s [only foreigner traveling in the President’s [i.e., Izetbegovic’s] heavily guarded motorcade of bulky four-wheel drive jeeps, he lent a silent Islamic imprimatur to the event, one that many American and European supporters of the Bosnian Government are trying hard to ignore or dismiss.” [trying hard to ignore or dismiss.” [NYT, 9/2/96] During the summer 1996 election campaign, the Iranians delivered to him, in two suitcases, $ 500,000 in cash; Izetbegovic “is now ‘literally on their [on their [i.e., the Iranians’] payroll,’ according to a classified report based on the CIA’s analysis of the issue.” LAT, 12/31/96. See also “Iran Contributed $ [LAT, 12/31/96. See also “Iran Contributed $ 500,000 to Bosnian President’s Election Effort, U.S. Says,” New York Times, 1/l/97, and Washington Times, 1/2/97] Adil Zulfikarpasic, a Muslim co- founder of the SDA, broke with Izetbegovic in late 1990 due to the increasingly overt fundamentalist and pro-Iranian direction of the party. [See Milovan Djilas, Bosnjak: Adil Zulfikarpasic, Zurich, 1994]

    Hassan (or Hasan) Cengic: Until recently, deputy defense minister (and now cosmetically reassigned to a potentially even more dangerous job in refugee resettlement at the behest of the Clinton Administration), Cengic, a member of a powerful clan headed by his father, Halid Cengic, is an Islamic cleric who has traveled frequently to Tehran and is deeply involved in the arms pipeline. [“Bosnian Officials Involved in Arms Trade Tied to Radical States,” Washington Post, 9/22/96] Cengic was identified by Austrian police as a member of TWRA’s supervisory board, “a fact confirmed by its Sudanese director, Elfatih Hassanein, in a 1994 interview with (lazi Husrev Beg, an Islamic affairs magazine. Cengic later became the key Bosnian official involved in setting up a weapons pipeline from Iran…. Cengic … is a longtime associate of Izetbegovic’s. He was one of the co- defendants in Izetbegovic’s 1983 trial for fomenting Muslim nationalism in what was then Yugoslavia. Cengic was given a 10- year prison term, most of which he did not serve. In trial testimony Cengic was said to have been traveling to Iran since 1983. Cengic lived in Tehran and Istanbul during much of the war, arranging for weapons to be smuggled into Bosnia.” [WP, 9/22/961 According to a Bosnian Croat radio profile: “Hasan’s father, Halid Cengic … is the main logistic expert in the Muslim army. All petrodollar donations from the Islamic world and the procurement of arms and military technology for Muslim units went through him. He made so much money out of this business that he is one of the richest Muslims today. Halid Cengic and his two sons, of whom Hasan has been more in the public spotlight, also control the Islamic wing of the intelligence agency AID [Agency for Information and Documentation]. Well informed sources in Sarajevo claim that only Hasan addresses Izetbegovic with ‘ti’ [second person singular, used as an informal form of address] while all the others address him as ‘Mr. President,”’ a sign of his extraordinary degree of intimacy with the president. [BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 10/28/96, “Radio elaborates on Iranian connection of Bosnian deputy defense minister,” from Croat Radio Herceg-Bosna, Mostar, in Serbo-Croatian, 10/25/96, bracketed text in original] In late 1996, at the insistence of the Clinton Administration, Hassan Cengic was reassigned to refugee affairs. However, in his new capacity he may present an even greater hazard to NATO forces in Bosnia, in light of past incidents such as the one that took place near the village of Celic in November 1996. At that time, in what NATO officers called part of a pattern of “military operations in disguise,” American and Russian IFOR troops were caught between Muslims and Serbs as the Muslims, some of them armed, attempted to encroach on the cease-fire line established by Dayton; commented a NATO spokesman: “We believe this to be a deliberate, orchestrated and provocative move to circumvent established procedures for the return of refugees.” [“Gunfire Erupts as Muslims Return Home,” Washington Post, 11/13/96]

    Dzemal Merdan: “The office of Brig. Gen. Dzemal Merdan is an ornate affair, equipped with an elaborately carved wooden gazebo ringed with red velvet couches and slippers for his guests. A sheepskin prayer mat lies in the comer, pointing toward Mecca. The most striking thing in the chamber is a large flag. It is not the flag of Bosnia, but of Iran. Pinned with a button of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Iran’s late Islamic leader, the flag occupies pride of place in Merdan’s digs—displayed in the middle of the gazebo for every visitor to see. Next to it hangs another pennant that of the Democratic Action Party, the increasingly nationalist Islamic organization of President Alija Izetbegovic that dominates Bosnia’s Muslim region…. Merdan’s position highlights the American dilemma. As head of the office of training and development of the Bosnian army, he is a key liaison figure in the U.S. [liaison figure in the U.S. [arm and train] program…. But Merdan, Western sources say, also has another job—as liaison with foreign Islamic fighters here since 1992 and promoter of the Islamic faith among Bosnia’s recruits. Sources identified Merdan as being instrumental in the creation of a brigade of Bosnian soldiers, called the 7th Muslim Brigade, that is heavily influenced by Islam and trained by fighters from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards. He has also launched a program, these sources say, to build mosques on military training grounds to teach Islam to Bosnian recruits. In addition, he helped establish training camps in Bosnia where Revolutionary Guards carried out their work.” [“Arming the Bosnians: U.S. Program Would Aid Force Increasingly Linked to Iran,” Washington Post, 1/26/96, emphasis added] General Merdan is a close associate of both Izetbegovic and Cengic; the central region around Zenica, which was “completely militarized in the first two years of the war” under the control of Merdan’s mujahedin, is “under total control of the Cengic family.” [“Who Rules Bosnia and Which Way,” (Sarajevo) Slobodna Bosna, 11/17/96, FBIS translation; Slobodna Bosna is one of the few publications in Muslim-held areas that dares to criticize the policies and personal corruption of the ruling SDA clique.] Merdan’s mujahedin were accused by their erstwhile Croat allies of massacring more than 100 Croats near Zenica in late 1993. [“Bosnian Croats vow to probe war crimes by Moslems,” Agence France Presse, 5/12/95]

    The Islamization of the Bosnian Army

    In cooperation with the foreign Islamic presence, the Izetbegovic regime has revamped its security and military apparatus to reflect its Islamic revolutionary outlook, including the creation of mujahedin units throughout the army; some members of these units have assumed the guise of a shaheed (a “martyr,” the Arabic term commonly used to describe suicide bombers), marked by their white garb, representing a shroud. While these units include foreign fighters naturalized in Bosnia, most of the personnel are now Bosnian Muslims trained and indoctrinated by Iranian and other foreign militants – which also makes it easier for the Clinton Administration to minimize the mujahedin threat, because few of them are “foreigners.”

    Prior to 1996, there were three principal mujahedin units in the Bosnian army, the first two of which are headquartered in the American IFOR/SFOR zone: (1) the 7th Muslim Liberation Brigade of the 3rd Corps, headquartered in Zenica; (2) the 9th Muslim Liberation Brigade of the 2nd Corps, headquartered in Travnik (the 2nd Corps is based in Tuzla); and (3) the 4th Muslim Liberation Brigade of the 4th Corps, headquartered in Konjic (in the French zone). [Bodansky, Some Call It Peace, page 401 Particularly ominous, many members of these units have donned the guise of martyrs, indicating their willingness to sacrifice themselves in the cause of Islam. Commenting on an appearance of soldiers from the 7th Liberation Brigade, in Zenica in December 1995, Bodansky writes: “Many of the fighters … were dressed in white coveralls over their uniforms. Officially, these were ‘white winter camouflage,’ but the green headbands [bearing Koranic verses] these warriors were wearing left no doubt that these were actually Shaheeds’ shrouds.” [Some Call It Peace, page 12] The same demonstration was staged before the admiring Iranian ambassador and President Izethbegovic in September 1996, when white winter garb could only be symbolic, not functional. [[NYT, 9/2/96] By June 1996, ten more mujahedin brigades had been established, along with numerous smaller “special units’ dedicated to covert and terrorist operations; while foreigners are present in all of these units, most of the soldiers are now native Bosnian Muslims. [native Bosnian Muslims. [Some Call It Peace, pages 42-46]

    In addition to these units, there exists another group known as the Handzar (“dagger” or 94 scimitar”) Division, described by Bodansky as a “praetorian guard” for President Izetbegovic. “Up to 6000-strong, the Handzar division glories in a fascist culture. They see themselves as the heirs of the SS Handzar division, formed by Bosnian Muslims in 1943 to fight for the Nazis. Their spiritual model was Mohammed Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem who sided with Hitler. According to LJN officers, surprisingly few of those in charge of the Handzars … seem to speak good Serbo-Croatian. ‘Many of them are Albanian, whether from Kosovo [the Serb province where Albanians are the majority] or from Albania itself.’ They are trained and led by veterans from Afghanistan and Pakistan, say LTN sources.” [“Albanians and Afghans fight for the heirs to Bosnia’s SS past,” (London) Daily Telegraph, 12/29/93, bracketed text in original]

    Self-Inflicted Atrocities

    Almost since the beginning of the Bosnian war in the spring of 1992, there have been persistent reports—readily found in the European media but little reported in the United States—that civilian deaths in Muslim-held Sarajevo attributed to the Bosnian Serb Army were in some cases actually inflicted by operatives of the Izetbegovic regime in an (ultimately successful) effort to secure American intervention on Sarajevo’s behalf. These allegations include instances of sniping at civilians as well as three major explosions, attributed to Serbian mortar fire, that claimed the lives of dozens of people and, in each case, resulted in the international community’s taking measures against the Muslims’ Serb enemies. (The three explosions were: (1) the May 27, 1992, “breadline massacre.” which was reported to have killed 16 people and which resulted in economic sanctions on the Bosnian Serbs and rump Yugoslavia; (2) the February 5, 1994, Markale “market massacre,” killing 68 and resulting in selective NATO air strikes and an ultimatum to the Serbs to withdraw their heavy weapons from the area near Sarajevo; and (3) the August 28, 1995 “second market massacre,” killing 37 and resulting in large-scale NATO air strikes, eventually leading to the Dayton agreement and the deployment of IFOR.) When she was asked about such allegations (with respect to the February 1994 explosion) then-U.N. Ambassador and current Secretary of State-designate Madeleine Albright, in a stunning non sequitur, said: “It’s very hard to believe any country would do this to their own people, and therefore, although we do not exactly know what the facts are, it would seem to us that the Serbs are the ones that probably have a great deal of responsibility.” [“Senior official admits to secret U.N. report on Sarajevo massacre,” Deutsch Presse-Agentur, 6/6/96, emphasis added]

    The fact that such a contention is difficult to believe does not mean it is not true. Not only did the incidents lead to the result desired by Sarajevo (Western action against the Bosnian Serbs), their staging by the Muslims would be entirely in keeping with the moral outlook of Islamic radicalism, which has long accepted the deaths of innocent (including Muslim) bystanders killed in terrorist actions. According to a noted analyst: “The dictum that the end justifies the means is adopted by all fundamentalist organizations in their strategies for achieving political power and imposing on society their own view of Islam. What is important in every action is its niy ‘yah, its motive. No means need be spared in the service of Islam as long as one takes action with a pure niy’ Yah.” [Amir Taheri, Holy Terror, Bethesda, MD, 1987] With the evidence that the Sarajevo leadership does in fact have a fundamentalist outlook, it is unwarranted to dismiss cavaliery the possibility of Muslim responsibility. Among some of the reports:

    Sniping: “French peacekeeping troops in the United Nations unit trying to curtail Bosnian Serb sniping at civilians in Sarajevo have concluded that until mid-June some gunfire also came from Government soldiers deliberately shooting at their own civilians. After what it called a ‘definitive’ investigation, a French marine unit that patrols against snipers said it traced sniper fire to a building normally occupied by Bosnian [i.e., Muslim] soldiers and other security forces. A senior French officer said, ‘We find it almost impossible to believe, but we are sure that it is true.”’ [“Investigation Concludes Bosnian Government Snipers Shot at Civilians,” New York Times, 8/l/951

    The 1992 “Breadline Massacre”: “United Nations officials and senior Western military officers believe some of the worst killings in Sarajevo, including the massacre of at least 16 people in a bread queue, were carried out by the city’s mainly Muslim defenders—not Serb besiegers—as a propaganda ploy to win world sympathy and military intervention…. Classified reports to the UN force commander, General Satish Nambiar, concluded … that Bosnian forces loyal to President Alija Izetbegovic may have detonated a bomb. ‘We believe it was a command-detonated explosion, probably in a can,’ a UN official said then. ‘The large impact which is there now is not necessarily similar or anywhere near as large as we came to expect with a mortar round landing on a paved surface.” [“Muslims ‘slaughter their own people’,” (London) The Independent, 8/22/92] “Our people tell us there were a number of things that didn’t fit. The street had been blocked off just before the incident. Once the crowd was let in and had lined up, the media appeared but kept their distance. The attack took place, and the media were immediately on the scene.” [Major General Lewis MacKenzie, Peacekeeper: The Road to Sarajevo, Vancouver, BC, 1993, pages 193-4; Gen. MacKenzie, a Canadian, had been commander of the U.N. peacekeeping force in Sarajevo.]

    The 1994 Markale “Market Massacre”: “French television reported last night that the United Nations investigation into the market-place bombing in Sarajevo two weeks ago had established beyond doubt that the mortar shell that killed 68 people was fired from inside Bosnian [Muslim lines.” [people was fired from inside Bosnian [Muslim] lines.” [“UN tracks source of fatal shell,” (London) The Times, 2/19/94] “For the first time, a senior U.N. official has admitted the existence of a secret U.N. report that blames the Bosnian Moslems for the February 1994 massacre of Moslems at a Sarajevo market…. After studying the crater left by the mortar shell and the distribution of shrapnel, the report concluded that the shell was fired from behind Moslem lines.” The report, however, was kept secret; the context of the wire story implies that U.S. Ambasador Albright may have been involved in its suppression. [DPA, 6/6/961 For a fuller discussion of the conflicting claims, see “Anatomy of a massacre,” Foreign Policy, 12/22/94, by David Binder; Binder, a veteran New York Times reporter in Yugoslavia, had access to the suppressed report. Bodansky categorically states that the bomb “was actually a special charge designed and built with help from HizbAllah [“Party of God,” a Beirut-based pro-Iranian terror group] experts and then most likely dropped from a nearby rooftop onto the crowd of shoppers. Video cameras at the ready recorded this expertly-staged spectacle of gore, while dozens of corpses of Bosnian Muslim troops killed in action (exchanged the day before in a ‘body swap’ with the Serbs) were paraded in front of cameras to raise the casualty counts.” [Offensive in the Balkans, page 62]

    The 1995 “Second Market Massacre”: “British ammunition experts serving with the United Nations in Sarajevo have challenged key ‘evidence’ of the Serbian atrocity that triggered the devastating Nato bombing campaign which turned the tide of the Bosnian war.” The Britons’ analysis was confirmed by French analysts but their findings were “dismissed” by “a senior American officer” at U.N. headquarters in Sarajevo. [“Serbs ‘not guilty’ of massacre: Experts warned US that mortar was Bosnian,” (London) The Times, 10/i/95 A “crucial U.N. report [(London) The Times, 10/i/95] A “crucial U.N. report [stating Serb responsibility for] the market massacre is a classified secret, but four specialists – a Russian, a Canadian and two Americans – have raised serious doubts about its conclusion, suggesting instead that the mortar was fired not by the Serbs but by Bosnian government forces.” A Canadian officer “added that he and fellow Canadian officers in Bosnia were ‘convinced that the Muslim government dropped both the February 5, 1994, and the August 28, 1995, mortar shells on the Sarajevo markets.”’ An unidentified U.S. official “contends that the available evidence suggests either ‘the shell was fired at a very low trajectory, which means a range of a few hundred yards – therefore under [a range of a few hundred yards – therefore under [Sarajevo] government control,’ or ‘a mortar shell converted into a bomb was dropped from a nearby roof into the crowd.”’ [“Bosnia’s bombers,” The Nation, 10/2/95 ]. At least some high-ranking French and perhaps other Western officials believed the Muslims responsible; after having received that account from government ministers and two generals, French magazine editor Jean Daniel put the question directly to Prime Minister Edouard Balladur: ”’They [i.e., the Muslims] have committed this carnage on their own people?’ I exclaimed in consternation. ‘Yes,’ confirmed the Prime Minister without hesitation, ‘but at least they have forced NATO to intervene. ”’ [“No more lies about Bosnia,” Le Nouvel Observateur, 8/31/95, translated in Chronicles – A Magazine of American Culture, January 1997]

    Suppression of Enemies

    As might be expected, one manifestation of the radical Islamic orientation of the Izetbegovic government is increasing curtailment of the freedoms of the remaining non-Muslims (Croats and Serbs) in the Muslim-held zone. While there are similar pressures on minorities in the Serb- and Croat-held parts of Bosnia, in the Muslim zone they have a distinct Islamic flavor. For example, during the 1996-1997 Christmas and New Year holiday season, Muslim militants attempted to intimidate not only Muslims but Christians from engaging in what had become common holiday practices, such as gift-giving, putting up Christmas or New Year’s trees, and playing the local Santa Claus figure, Grandfather Frost (Deda Mraz). [“The Holiday, All Wrapped Up; Bosnian Muslims Take Sides Over Santa,” Washington Post, 12/26/96] hi general: “Even in Sarajevo itself, always portrayed as the most prominent multi-national community in Bosnia, pressure, both psychological and real, is impelling non-Bosniaks [i.e., non- Muslims] to leave. Some measures are indirect, such as attempts to ban the sale of pork and the growing predominance of [to ban the sale of pork and the growing predominance of [Bosniak] street names. Other measures are deliberate efforts to apply pressure. Examples include various means to make nonBosniaks leave the city. Similar pressures, often with more violent expression and occasionally with overt official participation, are being used throughout Bosnia.” [“Bosnia’s Security and U.S. Policy in the Next Phase A Policy Paper, International Research and Exchanges Board, November 1996]

    In addition, President Izetbegovic’s party, the SDA, has launched politically-motivated attacks on moderate Muslims both within the SDA and in rival parties. For example, in the summer of 1996 former Prime Minister Haris Silajdzic. (a Muslim, and son of the former imam at the main Sarajevo mosque) was set upon and beaten by SDA militants. Silajdzic claimed Izetbegovic himself was behind the attacks. [was behind the attacks. [NYT, 9/2/96] h-fan Mustafic, a Muslim who cofounded the SDA, is a member of the Bosnian parliament and was president of the SDA’s executive council in Srebrenica when it fell to Bosnian Serb forces; he was taken prisoner but later released. Because of several policy disagreements with Izetbegovic and his close associates, Mustafic was shot and seriously wounded in Srebrenica by Izetbegovic loyalists. [[(Sarajevo) Slobodna Bosna, 7/14/96] Finally, one incident sums up both the ruthlessness of the Sarajevo establishment in dealing with their enemies as well as their international radical links: “A special Bosnian army unit headed by Bakir Izetbegovic, the Bosnian president’s son, murdered a Bosnian general found shot to death in Belgium last week, a Croatian newspaper reported … citing well-informed sources. The Vjesnik newspaper, controlled by the government, said the assassination of Yusuf Prazina was carried out by five members of a commando unit called ‘Delta’ and headed by Ismet Bajramovic also known as Celo. The paper said that three members of the Syrian-backed Palestinian movement Saika had Prazina under surveillance for three weeks before one of them, acting as an arms dealer, lured him into a trap in a car park along the main highway between Liege in eastern Belgium and the German border town of Aachen. Prazina, 30, nicknamed Yuka, went missing early last month. He was found Saturday with two bullet holes to the head. ‘The necessary logistical means to carry out the operation were provided by Bakir Izetbegovic, son of Alija Izetbegovic,, who left Sarajevo more than six months ago,’ Vjesnik said. It added that Bakir Izetbegovic ‘often travels between Brussels, Paris, Frankfurt, Baghdad, Tehran and Ankara, by using Iraqi and Pakistani passports,’ and was in Belgium at the time of the assassination. Hasan Cengic, head of logistics for the army in Bosnia- Hercegovina, was ‘personally involved in the assassination of Yuka Prazina,’ the paper said.” [Yuka Prazina,’ the paper said.” [Agence France Presse, 1/5/94]

    Conclusion

    The Clinton Administration’s blunder in giving the green light to the Iranian arms pipeline was based, among other errors, on a gross misreading of the true nature and goals of the Izetbegovic regime in Sarajevo. It calls to mind the similar mistake of the Carter Administration, which in 1979 began lavish aid to the new Sandinista government in Nicaragua in the hopes that (if the United States were friendly enough) the nine comandantes would turn out to be democrats, not communists, despite abundant evidence to the contrary. By the time the Reagan Administration finally cut off the dollar spigot in 198 1, the comandantes—or the “nine little Castros,” as they were known locally—had fully entrenched themselves in power.

    To state that the Clinton Administration erred in facilitating the penetration of the Iranians and other radical elements into Europe would be a breathtaking understatement. A thorough reexamination of U.S. policy and goals in the region is essential. In particular, addressing the immediate threat to U.S. troops in Bosnia, exacerbated by the extention of the IFOR/SFOR mission, should be a major priority of the of the 105th Congress.

    RPC staff contact: Jim Jatras, 224-2946

    The URL of this article is:
    http://globalresearch.ca/articles/DCH109A.html

    Copyright, Federal Document Clearing House, Congressional Press Releases, 1997. For fair use only.
34. Tomo says:

    May 15, 2010 at 9:21 pm

    In an investigation across six countries, Correspondent has uncovered a series of incidents which have tested the Western Alliance to breaking point. Dan Hebditch, associate producer on the programme, reports.

    The Bosnian war was the first major test of the West’s resolve in the post-Cold War era, and one that it unambiguously failed.

    Prevarication, competing national agendas and lack of moral courage on the part of politicians and diplomats worsened an already horrific situation, while on the ground UN peacekeepers with inadequate support and confusing orders wrestled with a situation for which they were ill-trained.

    Into this already complicated situation came the ultimate “wild card”, the United States of America, the world’s only superpower. A small group at the head of America’s foreign policy elite intervened covertly in what it had previously called “Europe’s problem”.

    It was driven by a mixture of media-fuelled public opinion, simplistic moral outrage and personal ambition to make a name in the “only game in town”. Its easy answer for Bosnia’s ills was “lift and strike” – re-arm the Bosniaks (mostly Bosnian Muslims) and Croats and bomb the Serbs.

    At first arms were sent to Bosnia via Croatia, but the Croats were reluctant to arm the Bosnian army with sophisticated weapons, so America took it upon itself to deliver arms directly to the Bosnian Muslim Army – the ABiH.

    Covert drops by the US

    These covert air drops began at the start of 1995.

    The US conducted covert surveillance operations over Bosnia
    The most well-documented were the drops at Tuzla in the north of Bosnia, where they were observed by members of the UN Nordic Battalion stationed close to the dropping zone.

    The drops contained vital, high value supplies: Anti-tank guided weapons to counter Bosnian Serb armour, Stinger surface-to-air missiles to ward off helicopters, night vision goggles and, most importantly, Motorola radio sets to allow the ABiH to operate more efficiently in large scale offensive operations.

    However these air drops took place in the face of Operation Deny Flight, the UN-imposed and Nato-policed no-fly zone over Bosnia. Faced with sighting reports from the UN on the ground Nato denied that any such activity had taken place and launched an investigation whose conclusions rubber-stamped this.

    However, it is now known that the incident was not as simple as Nato tried to make out. On the nights of the drops US Navy Awaca surveillance planes rather than Nato aircraft with their multi-national crews were monitoring the skies over Bosnia. In addition, the Nato investigation teams were manned only by Americans and didn’t bother to interview anyone who actually witnessed the drops.

    Nato had been manipulated to allow the US to conduct its own unilateral policy in the Balkans.

    The air drops were only the tip of the iceberg. A team of retired US officers planned the bloody Croatian “liberation” of the Kraijina and the subsequent invasion of western Bosnia by the Croatian Army in the summer of 1995.

    The US also provided intelligence to the Croats, flying unmanned reconnaissance drones off the Adriatic island of Brac. More significantly the US launched a huge signals and electronic intelligence gathering operation in Croatia to provide targeting information not for Nato or the UN, but for Croatia alone.

    UN negotiator and former Norwegian Foreign Minister Thorvald Stoltenberg felt betrayed:

    “I’d never criticise the Americans for saying this was a European issue and must be solved by the Europeans,” he says.

    Un peace negotiator, Thorvald Stoltenberg
    “My criticism is that they did not then go outside the field and sit down and watch – they were standing on the sideline shouting into the players.”

    American intelligence-gathering in the region was conducted on a huge scale. At any one time over 100 operators from across the spectrum of US intelligence agencies were on the ground in Bosnia.

    They were deployed not only in non-governmental organisations (NGOs) but in UN civilian and military agencies as well. This intelligence-gathering was aimed as much at the UN as the Serbs, and intelligence was passed directly on to the Bosnian Government.

    This information was often used to ratchet up the pressure on UN commanders to launch punitive air strikes on the Serbs.

    Bugging the UN

    The scope of these activities included bugging UN Commanders and diplomats.

    Lt General Sir Michael Rose (ret’d)
    Former UN Commander in Bosnia General Sir Michael Rose was aware that the Americans were secretly bugging his office:

    “We were always very careful in what we said in that office. And if we did say something, it was with deliberate intent.”

    All of this intelligence-gathering activity was supposed to be concealed from America’s allies in the UN and NATO.

    Britain especially has a very close link with American intelligence, but in late 1994, this supply of intelligence to the British was temporarily cut off, causing panic in Whitehall.

    In the end the US lift and strike policy succeeded – but at a cost. The Croatian Army broke the Serbs in the west, Nato aircraft destroyed Bosnian Serb logistics and command facilities whilst UN artillery on Mount Igman dominated the Serb guns that had held Sarajevo under siege for so long.

    The warring parties were then bullied into the Dayton Agreement that underpins the shaky peace in Bosnia today.

    Was the US policy a success?

    Senior European negotiators believe that with US backing the war could have ended two years earlier, but US desire to see the Serbs punished meant that they instead encouraged the Bosnian Government to continue fighting. The price in human terms? Over 15,000 dead and nearly 600,000 refugees.

    American unilateralism in Bosnia has led to a diplomatic backlash.

    Europe feels it can no longer rely on the US in times of crisis. Instead, it has begun to hedge its bets, first with the Anglo-French St Malo Agreement and now with the so-called “Euro army”.

    There is a great reluctance on the part of western politicians to talk about the significance and the future of the Euro army. Indeed normally loquacious political and military figures beat a hasty retreat when approached by Correspondent.

    However there can be no doubt that its origins can be traced back to the results of American mendacity and covert operations during the conflict in Bosnia. And no one yet knows quite what will replace the old alliances in the future.

    Allies and lies: Correspondent, Sunday 24th June at 1915 on BBC 2.

    Reporter: Sheena McDonald
    Producer: David Hebditch
    Editor: Fiona Murch
35. Rince says:

    May 16, 2010 at 9:57 am

    I just saw another very “logic” point in Mr Owen Beith’s comment. He is saying that Mrs. Camila Purkovic was brouht to the hospital, because she had a nervous breakdown. At the same time he is telling us, that Mr. Ibro Nuhanovic was handed over to the Serbs and disappeared together with his family. There is again this strange, strange logic. So the Serbs allow a muslim woman to be brought to the hospital, but they didn’t allow at the same time another muslim person to be brought away and killed the person and his family? Some people must indeed think that the Serbs are completly idiots.
36. skok says:

    May 17, 2010 at 1:28 am

    Little random haiku

    Jesen
    Četnik na groblje odnesen
    Raznesen
    Malen zdrug i trešnja

    http://www.nspm.rs/istina-i-pomirenje-na-ex-yu-prostorima/saradnja-partizana-i-ustasa-i-revizija-novije-nacionalne-povesnice.html?alphabet=l

    Rince, Tomo – Jebaću vam mater onu balavu četnikušu.
37. Rince says:

    May 17, 2010 at 11:05 pm

    Glodjansko Brdo (Podrinje-Birac) November 1992. Muslim forces killed hundrets of Serbs. A Witness sy that the muslim army after the attack took many Serbs away. No one from the kidnapped persons was ever seen alive after. Dr. Zoran Stankovic opened many massgraves around Glodjansko Brdo. He said that many of the victims have traces of brutal and inhuman torture.
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mgFAbaAqNYM
38. Rince says:

    May 18, 2010 at 10:57 am

    The following video was taken in Srebrenica in 1993. One can see the “brutaly besieged” people from Srebrenica how they where celebrating. A female singer praysed Srebrenica butcher Naser Oric. This is how they where “suffering”. The muslim Army killed in Podrinje between 1992 and 1993 about 1300 Serbs, destroyed 50 serbian vilages, wounded and displaced thosands and then they celebrated. In the video one can see also muslim-massmurder Naser Oric: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s8lzBsHZ7gk&feature=related
39. Rupert Wolfe Murray says:

    June 4, 2010 at 9:05 am

    Wow, what a diatribe. As an objective outsider who would like to comment on the above comments (but not on Srebrenica) the comments by RINCE are a fascinating portrayal of a Serbian War Crime Denier, one of those mythical creatures that one hears about but does not get to see in action. He should be on show in a public museum in Belgrade as it would be a great tourist attraction, hours of fascinating conspiracy theory for students from all over the world. So convinced is he that Serbia can do no wrong, Mr Rince is pathalogically unable to admit that his country may have been at fault. This is called denial and it is frequently used by children who dont want to admit mistakes, but it is damaging for them because it means that the kid will have problems taking responsibility for anything. What is really encouraging is to see that there are some sensible voices being heard from Serbia, at last, people who are willing to consider that perhaps, maybe, possibly Serbia did pull a trigger and harm some Muslims. It would be so much more healthy if Serbia just admitted fault as then we could all move on. The fact is that the rest of the world has forgotten about Srebrenica and Kosovo and the war, and Serbia is becoming known as a cool place to hang out. Why spoil the party with this absurd denials of crimes that most people know nothing about? The longer you deny it the longer it will hang over you. Remember what Shrek said when he farted, ”Better out than in I always say”
40. Jana says:

    June 8, 2010 at 1:09 pm

    Rince,

    thank you for posting these comments. I ahve learned a lot for myself while staying in Srebrenica. In my opinion, Serbs living in Srebrenica are discriminated and daily oppressed with the manipulative past.
    At one of the meetings I participated in, Serbs were referred to as some kind of creatures not resembling humans. International institutions present there did not make even a sight effort to stop such hate speeches. For every incident in the town Serbs are automatically blamed for, every murder committed by Bosniack is ascribed to Serbs. Nedless to say it is enough to be a Bosniak from Srebrenica to obtain university diploma without even proper elementary school or get a job or give a statement to international media..first question being of course not ‘’did you lose someone in genocide’’ anymore but ‘’how many…’’.
    Internationals who dare to visit Serbian memorials and take foregn groups there are curiously meeting difficulties in their work from granting the stay/getting visa (for the ones working within local NGOs) to being threatened by municipal authorities.
    Srebrenica now is a story for itself not even to mention past.
41. tbx says:

    June 11, 2010 at 2:20 pm

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3rLG_9JyIa0
42. Rince says:

    June 16, 2010 at 10:52 am

    Rupert Wolfe Murray. People like you always do write nonsense like this, if they dont have arguments. This is a typical Serbhater-Statement from you. Dream on.
43. Tomo says:

    June 16, 2010 at 11:04 am

    Rupert Wolfe Murray. You’re obviously a racist, indoctrinated with hate. Here is a book for you:
    http://www.gmbooks.com/product/MediaGM.html
44. Rupert Wolfe Murray says:

    June 16, 2010 at 9:14 pm

    Thanks for the interesting insults and the link to that book, which sounds like its worth reading (western reporting is a scandal in general, I agree). Fortunately I know myself and have nothing against the Serbs, in fact I admire them in many ways, particularly their inspiring historical record (pre Milosevic) and I’m grateful for the tolerant way that I’ve always been treated in Serbia, and for their tolerance in dealing with refugees. But that doesn’t mean that I have to agree with everything that every Serb says or does.
45. Rince says:

    June 16, 2010 at 10:09 pm

    Rupert Wolfe Murray. Its not the Serbs fault if Izetbegovic and some of the western media have spread a completely wrong picture of the events in and around Srebrenica. But sit some peoples fault, if they believe every nonsense they read in the newspaper. No normal person denies that atrocities took place during a bloody civil war: Croats against Serbs, Serbs against Croats, Muslims against Croats, Croats against Muslim, Muslims against Serbs, Muslims against Muslims (Velika Kladusa), Serbs against Muslims, Albanians against Macedonians, Macedonians against Albanians, Albanians against Serbs, Serbs against Albanians a.s.o. Of course you dont have to agree with everything that very Serb says or does, but critical people also dont have to believe everything that the mass media is saying about some people and country’s. The official story about the events in Srebrenica are pure nonsense. Only uncritical people believe the “Genocide”-Story. Different people from all over the world are telling a completely different story about the events in Srebrenica.
46. Remeta says:

    June 17, 2010 at 9:17 am

    Svjedok sr genocida. Smesan si stvarno. Pa bas muslimanski lobi je – uz pomoc amerikanaca – ulozijo ogromne pare da siri neistinu o Srebrenici.
47. Rince says:

    July 7, 2010 at 6:14 pm

    Here is a very interesting Dokument about the “Genocide”:
    http://www.srebrenica-facts.com/downloads/evakuierung_95.jpg
48. income tax guy says:

    January 30, 2011 at 9:40 pm

    Very interesting article. Do you have a twitter account?
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